US Swiftly Pulling in Strategic Allies, Suppressing China

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 22 March 2021
by Chang Yan-ting (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Pinyu Hwang. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
Top U.S. and Chinese officials met in Alaska, the two sides exchanging barbs and biting remarks. Both sides made clear their stances. The U.S. emphasized the importance of peace and stability in Hong Kong, Xinjiang and across the Taiwan Strait, while the Chinese Communist Party asserted its position that Taiwan belongs to China.

The race between the U.S. and China is not just pure economic competition or two major powers struggling over spheres of influence, but an attempt by the CCP to replace the Western "democratic model" with the "authoritarian model." Taiwan's geographic location happens to be at the forefront of the intersection of maritime and land power. For both the United States and China, Taiwan occupies a very important strategic location. As the situation and balance of power changes, the price that the U.S. and China are each willing to pay to ensure strategic interests in the region will also change, and Taiwan's political attitude becomes key.

The growth of the CCP's military and economic power in recent years has been a major factor affecting U.S. relations with allies and partners in the Asia-Pacific region. From the South China Sea to the Himalayan border between China and India, the CCP has been gradually increasing the force of its territorial claims and adopting a tough stance in response to challenges. In addition, the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait are core interests of the CCP. The recent presence of Chinese submarines in the waters around Taiwan and the regular activities of military aircraft in the southwestern airspace are all attempts to demonstrate military power beyond the first island chain, including the frequent patrols of nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines in the South China Sea and the Western Pacific, challenging U.S. dominance in the Indo-Pacific region.

The dispute in the South China Sea has affected the nature of interactions between the United States and China; Japan also regards this sea as being within its boundaries, so Japan's policy in the South China Sea is in line with that of the United States and advocates freedom of navigation. It is easy to see that Japan hopes to use the South China Sea as a springboard into the CCP's East China Sea sovereignty dispute, so that the U.S.-Japan alliance can be extended to the South China Sea, meaning the strategic security of East Asian waters becomes integrated and the CCP has to respond both in the East China Sea and the South China Sea.

At present, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue among the United States, Japan, India and Australia has become the core of the Indo-Pacific strategic framework. The four-party dialogue, as well as the U.S.-Japan and U.S.-Korea "two-plus-two" dialogues that preceded the U.S.-China talks, indicate the United States’ expectation that Japan and its allies will play a greater role in resisting China, and Japan has demonstrated more concrete action and plans to hold joint U.S.-Japan exercises in the waters around the Diaoyutai Islands. The members of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue have also joined hands in joint maritime exercises to counteract the expansion of China's military power.

India's attitude will influence the course of geopolitics in Europe and Asia. The U.S., Japan and Australia have established a long-standing and stable military alliance, while India shares a large border with China and is involved in a sovereignty dispute. As India is a member of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, it has clearly impacted the strategic posture of the U.S. and China as the two major powers. Although the CCP is keen to upend the status quo in the Asia-Pacific region and create a new world order in line with Chinese ideologies, the structural deficiencies of the political system are an insurmountable obstacle.

Although the gap between the economic and military strength of the United States and China is narrowing, the U.S. possesses diplomatic and geopolitical advantages, democratic institutions, an educational environment, cutting-edge technology and financial supremacy that the CCP cannot hope to match. In order to cross the Pacific Ocean, the Chinese Communist military power must break through the first island chain, but the first island chain almost completely consists of U.S. allies. Most of the world's top talents study or work in the United States, the U.S. dominates the global financial system and the U.S. democratic system is more attractive than the Chinese model — all this indicates that the U.S. still has the upper hand in this battle between the two global powers.


美中最高外交官員於美國阿拉斯加召開會議,雙方脣槍舌劍、火藥味十足。而且雙方互畫紅線,美國強調重視香港、新疆、台海和平穩定,中共則強硬表達台灣屬於中國的立場。

現在美中競逐並非只是純經濟競賽或大國勢力範圍的爭強,而是中共「威權模式」企圖取代西方「民主模式」,而台灣地緣位置正是位於海權與陸權交會的最前沿。對美中而言,台灣具有非常重要的戰略地位。隨著情勢與實力消長的變化,美中各自願意付出多大代價以確保在此區域的戰略利益,也將隨之產生變化,而台灣的政治態度更是重要的關鍵。

近年中共軍力及經濟力量成長,是影響美國和亞太盟友和夥伴關係的主要因素。從南海到喜馬拉雅山的中印邊境,中共正逐漸加大領土主權聲索力道,並對挑戰採取強硬的回應,而且南海及台海議題是中共核心利益,近來中共潛艦不斷出現台灣周邊海域,軍機亦常態在西南空域活動,都是嘗試跨出第一島鏈展現軍力的動作,包括核子動力彈道飛彈潛艦多頻次在南海及西太平洋巡弋,已對美國在印太地區的主導權產生挑戰。

南海爭端涉及美中互動氣氛,日本亦視該海域為其一千浬生命線範圍,故日本南海政策與美國同調,主張航行自由。不難看出日本欲藉南海與中共東海主權爭端掛鉤,使美日同盟擴延至南海,意味著東亞海域戰略安全一體化,中共在東海、南海須兩面應付。

目前美、日、印、澳組成的四方安全對話已成為印太戰略框架的核心,在美中會談前先登場的四方對話及美日、美韓「二加二」會談,就是美國期待日本及各盟國在抗中角色能發揮更大功能,日本也展現更具體行動,並計畫在釣魚台列嶼周邊海域舉行美日聯合演習。四方安全對話成員國亦聯手法國舉行海上聯合演習,抗衡中共的軍力擴張。

印度的態度會影響歐亞大陸地緣政治的路線,美、日、澳已建立長久穩固的軍事同盟關係,而印度與中共大面積接壤且存在主權爭議,由於印度是四方安全對話的成員國,已明顯改變美中兩大強權的戰略態勢。雖然中共極欲改變亞太現狀,要打造具有中國特色的新世界秩序,但政治制度的結構性缺失則是無法克服的障礙。

雖然美中經濟與軍事實力差距逐漸縮小,但美國所具之外交及地緣優勢、民主制度、教育環境、尖端科技、金融霸主地位,中共難望其項背。中共軍力要跨出太平洋必須突破第一島鏈,但第一島鏈幾乎都是美國的戰略夥伴。世界頂尖人才大多在美國求學或工作,全球金融系統亦以美國為主,美國的民主制度比中國模式更具吸引力,兩強之爭仍以美國暫居上風。
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