Show Us a Tangible Plan To Solve the Okinawa Base Issue

Published in Kobe Shimbun
(Japan) on 29 October 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Joseph Santiago. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
The government’s land reclamation efforts in the bay started in December 2018, when Marine Corps Air Station Futenma was relocated from the city of Ginowan in Okinawa to Henoko Bay in Nago. The House of Representatives will hold its first election since the process started this year.

In opposition to the Abe and Suga administrations’ attempts to rush construction, the election of Denny Tamaki, a staunch opponent of the Henoko Bay project, and a 2019 referendum that showed more than 70% of Okinawans disapproved of the plan demonstrate just how unpopular it really is, with many worried about the continued burden of military bases and the destruction of nature in Okinawa. However, the government has been adamant that the relocation to Henoko Bay is the only way to resolve the pressing situation involving Futenma. The base is currently surrounded by residential areas, which has led to a number of dangerous incidents over the years. Some 70% of the land occupied by American military bases in Japan is concentrated in Okinawa. Given that they are a vital part of Japan’s national security, this goes beyond being a regional issue. This election will determine how the central government responds to the will of its people.

With that in mind, it’s shameful how little this issue has been raised.

Soft seabed has been found in the construction area and has led to numerous delays. While Futenma’s relocation was originally projected to be completed five to seven years after the 1996 decision to move the base, the project is expected to drag on into the 2030s. A swift end to the dangers emanating from Futenma seems to only grow more distant. The Liberal Democratic Party has pledged to keep making progress on construction of the Henoko Bay project and the reorganization of American forces in Japan, while the Komeito Party has stated that “tangible results will be made apparent.” However, any policy that advances construction while satisfying locals is anything but. On the other side of the aisle, the Constitutional Democratic Party, Communist Party and Reiwa Shinsengumi party have called for construction to end, while the Democratic Party for the People has called for a complete cancellation of the land reclamation project in line with the wishes of Okinawa’s residents.

However, while the CDP is calling for a review of the stationing of American bases, Reiwa Shinsengumi has insisted these bases be transferred to American soil, making it unclear what would follow if the project is canceled. All parties need to negotiate and iron out a concrete course of action.

One also cannot overlook the unbalanced Status of Forces Agreement between Japan and the U.S., which takes criminal investigations into military personnel out of Japan’s hands. The LDP and Komeito aim to preserve the status quo, while the opposition parties seek change. If they all truly believe this is an issue, they must fight tooth and nail for the change in the post-election Diet.


沖縄基地問題/負担軽減の具体策を語れ

米海兵隊普天間飛行場(沖縄県宜野湾市)の名護市辺野古への移設で、政府が沿岸部に土砂を投入したのは2018年12月だった。埋め立てが本格化して初めての衆院選となる。


 工事を強行する安倍、菅政権に対し、辺野古移設に反対する玉城デニー知事の当選や、埋め立て反対が7割を超えた19年の県民投票などで、沖縄の民意は拒否を示し続けてきた。移設が基地負担を固定化し、貴重な自然を損なう恐れがあるためだ。

 住宅地に囲まれた普天間飛行場の危険性除去は喫緊の課題だが、政府は「辺野古移設が唯一の解決策」と固執してきた。

 沖縄には在日米軍専用施設面積の7割が集中する。日本の安全保障に深く関わる存在であり、一地域の問題ではない。地元の民意に政治がどう向き合うのかを問う選挙である。

 にもかかわらず、米軍基地問題が大きな争点になっていないのは残念だ。

 辺野古の埋め立て海域では軟弱地盤が見つかり、工期が大幅に延びた。普天間返還は当初、1996年の日米合意から5~7年後の予定だったが、2030年代にずれ込む見通しになった。普天間の危険性の「早期除去」は遠のくばかりである。

 自民党は「辺野古移設や在日米軍再編を着実に進める」と公約し、公明党も「目に見える形での負担軽減を実現」とする。だが、工事を進めながら住民と協調を図る方策は見えない。

 一方、立憲民主党や共産党、社民党、れいわ新選組は共通政策で「移設工事の中止」を掲げる。国民民主党は「埋め立てはいったん停止」と訴える。地元民意に沿った公約と言える。


 ただ、立民は「基地のあり方を見直す交渉を開始する」、れいわは「海兵隊には米本土への移転をお願いする」とするのみで、中止後の道筋は明確ではない。各党は負担軽減の具体策を語り、論戦を重ねてほしい。

 忘れてはならないのは、米兵の犯罪捜査もままならない不平等な日米地位協定の存在だ。自民と公明は協定のあるべき姿を目指し、野党も見直しを求める。問題意識を共有するならば、選挙後の国会で早急に議論すべきだ。
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