Ukraine and Taiwan

Published in Merit Times
(Taiwan) on 9 March 2022
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
The Russia-Ukraine war has been in progress for almost two weeks. Both sides have incurred losses, and the war has delivered disaster to innocent civilians. To date, there have been three rounds of negotiations. The first was fruitless, while the second resulted in the proposal of a humanitarian corridor for transporting civilians, food and medicine. Still, these first two talks failed to address the crux of the problem. In the third round of negotiations, Ukraine proposed a solution model whereby it would not seek membership in NATO, thereby reducing the security threat to Russia. It remains unknown whether this is enough for Russia to withdraw.

The United States is benefiting the most from this war. The Biden administration is facing pressure from the approaching midterm elections as well as from numerous unresolved domestic issues, including inflation, political party division, racial conflicts and a continuing pandemic. These have all sharply impacted Joe Biden’s approval ratings. The Biden administration kills two birds with one stone by encouraging Ukraine to join NATO and provoking Russia to invade Ukraine. The Russian economy has been severely hit, European countries have aligned against Russia, and the euro has dropped in value. Ukraine has suffered huge economic and military losses rendering hopeless its aim of joining NATO.

Taiwanese commentators have addressed the situation in Ukraine. The Taiwanese government has repeatedly emphasized that Taiwan is not Ukraine, not only because of the natural barrier provided by the Taiwan Strait and the island’s geostrategic position, but because the will of the Taiwanese army to defend its land the strength to do so has continuously grown. The army is confident it can maintain Taiwan’s security. China also believes that Taiwan and Ukraine are different, but for completely different reasons. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi believes the most fundamental difference lies in the fact that Taiwan is an inseparable part of Chinese territory and that the issue of Taiwan is entirely a domestic Chinese affair.

How much difference is there between Taiwan and Ukraine? Actually, Taiwan’s position is even more perilous than that of Ukraine. Even with the natural barrier of the Taiwan Strait, Chinese fighter planes now commonly pass by Taiwan and would need only seconds to enter Taiwan’s territory. In modern warfare, the Taiwan Strait no longer counts as a natural barrier. Ukraine at least is recognized internationally as a sovereign country. Taiwan, on the other hand, has fewer than 20 diplomatic ties with other countries. While countries may express sympathy with Ukraine in this war and engage in providing local assistance, they remain seated on the sidelines. If Ukraine can be treated like this, who will extend aid when war breaks out in Taiwan? Moreover, even if Taiwan seeks to join international organizations and the world’s major powers are unable to help them do that, how could they help Taiwan if war broke out?

The pro-U.S., anti-China policy pushed by the Taiwanese government has done well in election campaigns. It draws on the message that the U.S. is a rock-solid ally that would send troops to help as soon as war broke out. Japan has even let it be known that a problem in the Taiwan Strait is a problem in Japan, which has further strengthened President Tsai Ing-wen’s resolve to oppose the Chinese Communist Party. However, with respect to America’s approach to Ukraine, has it done anything more than substantially push Ukraine into war? Japan is even more afraid of the CCP’s reputation. If including Taiwan in the U.S.-Japan Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security would draw sharp protest from the CCP, would Japan dare do anything that could have unbearable consequences for itself?

What is happening to Ukraine may happen to Taiwan. If it needs to, the U.S. will certainly sacrifice Taiwan for America’s national interests. The Shanghai Communiqué 50 years ago is proof. When the war in Ukraine broke out, the international consensus was that the best situation for Ukraine was to learn from Finland’s neutrality. While it cannot get everything it wants, at least it won’t offend either side and bring calamity upon itself. Taiwan is, of course in the same position, as evidenced by the benefits of past pro-U.S. policies that foster cooperation with China and that are friendly to Japan. I hope Taiwan can learn from the war in Ukraine.


社論--烏克蘭與台灣

俄烏戰爭進行了將近兩周,雙方都有人員傷亡,甚至殃及無辜百姓的情況。目前歷經三輪談判,第一輪毫無結果,第二輪達成了設置人道走廊的建議,以輸送平民、運送食物和藥物。前兩輪談判,基本上沒有談到問題的癥結,第三輪談判烏克蘭擬議「非北約模式」,也就是不再提出加入北約組織的申請,以減緩俄羅斯的國安威脅。能否因此讓俄羅斯退兵還在未定之天。

這場戰事中獲利最多的就是美國。拜登政府面對期中選舉的壓力,以及國內諸多待解的危機,包括通貨膨脹、政黨歧見、種族衝突、疫情持續……等壓力,也重挫了拜登的施政滿意度。鼓動烏克蘭加入北約,刺激俄羅斯入侵烏克蘭對於拜登政府而言正是一石多鳥,不僅重挫俄羅斯經濟、讓歐洲國家與俄羅斯為敵、歐元大貶,烏克蘭更是經濟和軍事兩頭重傷,加入北約也無望了。

對烏克蘭的情勢,台灣的輿論界多所評析,儘管政府一再宣示台灣不是烏克蘭,不僅因台灣海峽天險及地緣戰略地位,且國軍防衛國土的意志及戰力也不斷提升,有堅強信心維護台灣安全。大陸也認為台灣和烏克蘭不一樣,但是觀點卻南轅北轍,大陸外長王毅就說,最根本的不同在於,台灣是中國領土不可分割的一部分,台灣問題完全是中國的內政。

台灣和烏克蘭到底有多大的不同?其實,台灣的處境比烏克蘭更危險,即使有海峽天險,但現在共機繞台常態化,要入境台灣不過是分秒間的事,在現代戰爭中,台海已不能算是天然屏障。烏克蘭至少是國際認可的獨立國家,而台灣邦交國不到二十國,戰事一起,各國除了口頭同情、參與局部援助之外,基本都坐壁上觀。對烏克蘭猶且如此,台海一旦有戰事,誰會伸出援手?更何況,台灣連想要加入國際組織,這些大國都無能幫助,戰事一起,他們能怎樣伸出援手?

政府推動的「親美抗中」政策,在選戰中屢有斬獲,都是靠著「美國是堅若磐石的盟友」大內宣,並說,一旦戰爭發生美國必會派兵相助;而日本更是揚言「台海有事,日本有事」,因此讓蔡總統更有底氣對抗中共。但看看美國對烏克蘭的態度,除了把烏克蘭推向戰場之外,有絲毫的實質援助嗎?日本更是懼怕中共出了名的,別說把台灣納入《美日協防條約》範圍可能引起中共的強烈抗議,日本若是膽敢再有實際行動,恐怕會遭來無法承受的後果,日本敢嗎?

烏克蘭的例子有可能發生在台灣身上,必要的時候,美國當然會犧牲台灣換取他的國家利益,五十年前的《上海公報》就是明證。烏克蘭戰事爆發,國際一致認為,烏克蘭最好的情況就是學芬蘭中立化,雖未必能左右逢源,至少兩邊都不得罪,不致於為自己招來禍患。台灣當然也是如此,已往的經驗為「親美和中友日」政策帶來的好處做了見證,盼能以烏克蘭戰事得到一點啟發。
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