Proofer: Erik Frey was born in Vienna in 1963. He moved to the U.S. in 1981 to attend Princeton but I found no indication he has U.S. citizenship, so this is probably fine. mb
The Poison of Anti-Americanism
Deep-seated European bias against the U.S. is playing into Vladimir Putin’s hands.
His mobilization is descending into chaos, his troops are losing ground daily. But Vladimir Putin still has an ace up his sleeve. He is counting on dividing public opinion in Europe and thus so weakening NATO and European Union support for Ukraine that Kyiv will eventually have to beg for peace.
He is helped by the discontent about exploding energy prices and record inflation that are being blamed on the sanctions against Russia. There is also a second phenomenon that is playing into Putin's hands. Sympathy for him has fallen significantly since the start of the war. But a significant minority blames the United States for the conflict and thus sees no reason to take sides in the war. The Kremlin may be evil but the White House is not much better, so they say over drinks or on Twitter.
That was just as visible in the days after the Russian invasion as after the sabotage of the Nord Stream pipelines, when some immediately said it was definitely the U.S. because it wants to sell its own natural gas to Europe. The Yanks will do anything to make a profit and enhance their power.
Anti-Americanism can be found on the right as well as on the left and has deep roots. Some never forgave the U.S. for its victory over the Nazi regime or for its cultural dominance after 1945. Others cling to the distorted image cultivated by the Soviet Union and parlor-room Marxists of an exploitive, militarily predatory nation, even after the collapse of communism.
Muffled Criticism of Capitalism
The same knee-jerk reaction is also flourishing in the middle of society, among businesspeople, lawyers, environmentalists, journalists and scientists. George W. Bush’s catastrophic war in Iraq and Donald Trump's presidency gave it new fuel. But critics also blame the U.S. for very different phenomena, such as #MeToo and wokeness. And muffled anti-American critiques of capitalism are proliferating across the political spectrum.
Above it all hovers the assumption that the U.S. and its intelligence services are omnipotent, that every step is part of a great strategy. It feeds conspiracy theories, which in turn manifest parallels to antisemitism.
This attitude has concrete effects on world politics. After the 2014 annexation of Crimea and occupation of Donbas, many were convinced that the Maidan Revolution in Kyiv had been orchestrated by Washington and that Russia was just reacting to NATO’s expansion. That led to the EU’s feeble response, which empowered Putin to further aggression. Even since the Feb. 24 invasion, EU sanctions and military aid are being blocked by ambivalent public opinion. And, as one can see when following many discussions, that includes the poison of anti-Americanism.
There is plenty to criticize about the U.S., about its history and its present. But when it comes to questions of freedom and democracy in the last 80 years, it has usually stood on the right side. It is also doing so in the war in Ukraine, more selflessly and determinedly than any other country. In their own interest, Europeans need to recognize that this U.S. — with all its problems and blemishes — is its best ally.
His mobilization is descending into chaos, his troops are losing ground daily. But Vladimir Putin still has an ace up his sleeve. He is counting on dividing public opinion in Europe and thus so weakening NATO and European Union support for Ukraine that Kyiv will eventually have to beg for peace.
He is helped by the discontent about exploding energy prices and record inflation that are being blamed on the sanctions against Russia. There is also a second phenomenon that is playing into Putin's hands. Sympathy for him has fallen significantly since the start of the war. But a significant minority blames the United States for the conflict and thus sees no reason to take sides in the war. The Kremlin may be evil but the White House is not much better, so they say over drinks or on Twitter.
That was just as visible in the days after the Russian invasion as after the sabotage of the Nord Stream pipelines, when some immediately said it was definitely the U.S. because it wants to sell its own natural gas to Europe. The Yanks will do anything to make a profit and enhance their power.
Anti-Americanism can be found on the right as well as on the left and has deep roots. Some never forgave the U.S. for its victory over the Nazi regime or for its cultural dominance after 1945. Others cling to the distorted image cultivated by the Soviet Union and parlor-room Marxists of an exploitive, militarily predatory nation, even after the collapse of communism.
Muffled Criticism of Capitalism
The same knee-jerk reaction is also flourishing in the middle of society, among businesspeople, lawyers, environmentalists, journalists and scientists. George W. Bush’s catastrophic war in Iraq and Donald Trump's presidency gave it new fuel. But critics also blame the U.S. for very different phenomena, such as #MeToo and wokeness. And muffled anti-American critiques of capitalism are proliferating across the political spectrum.
Above it all hovers the assumption that the U.S. and its intelligence services are omnipotent, that every step is part of a great strategy. It feeds conspiracy theories, which in turn manifest parallels to antisemitism.
This attitude has concrete effects on world politics. After the 2014 annexation of Crimea and occupation of Donbas, many were convinced that the Maidan Revolution in Kyiv had been orchestrated by Washington and that Russia was just reacting to NATO’s expansion. That led to the EU’s feeble response, which empowered Putin to further aggression. Even since the Feb. 24 invasion, EU sanctions and military aid are being blocked by ambivalent public opinion. And, as one can see when following many discussions, that includes the poison of anti-Americanism.
There is plenty to criticize about the U.S., about its history and its present. But when it comes to questions of freedom and democracy in the last 80 years, it has usually stood on the right side. It is also doing so in the war in Ukraine, more selflessly and determinedly than any other country. In their own interest, Europeans need to recognize that this U.S. — with all its problems and blemishes — is its best ally.
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