US State of the Union Address: Passing By a World without Nuclear Weapons?

Published in Chugoku Shimbun
(Japan) on 10 February 2023
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Dorothy Phoenix. Edited by Lisa Attanasio.
U.S. President Joe Biden delivered his State of the Union address, in which he addressed government policy for the next year. Surprisingly, only a small portion of time was allotted to diplomacy, with most of the speech focusing on inward-facing issues. What did stand out was the confrontational attitude toward China.

Biden called for non-partisan cooperation, declaring that “winning the competition with China should unite all of us.” There was deepened backlash about a balloon floating above the U.S. which appeared to be used for espionage, but no plans for an easing of tensions.

As a country facing China and separated from it by the ocean, we cannot help but be concerned.

Biden, who has returned to public office at 80 years old, enumerated achievements of the past two years, such as the creation of new jobs and the foundation of a semiconductor investment law with China in mind. The 2024 presidential election is certainly in Biden’s line of sight.

But his remaining two years will be full of difficulties. In the last midterm elections, the Democratic Party lost its majority in the U.S. House of Representatives, and cooperation with the opposing Republicans, who have a hardline approach to China, is indispensable. This factor is likely part of the reason for the stance toward China. However, allies may view protectionist speech as a “country first” approach.

U.S.-China antagonism continues to intensify, in a combination of military, economic and high-tech power struggles. Biden, who views China as “the only competitor," is confident about victory over that nation and emphasized cooperation with ally nations, including Japan, to establish an advantage.

Biden is lending U.S. might to support Ukraine against the invading Russia. He clearly wants Japan to take a role in the Taiwan crisis but did not allude to that during the speech.

Besides working together, at the end of last year, the Japanese government made a cabinet decision on three national security documents, which centered on strengthening Japan’s ability to attack enemy bases (counterattack ability). Early in the year, a U.S.-Japan joint declaration issued during a leadership summit stated that “Our security Alliance has never been stronger," but it cannot be denied that this strengthened relationship is the converse of the deteriorated relationship between the U.S. and China.

If Japan is completely integrated into U.S. strategy, it will lose its unique diplomatic position. How should it confront China, a large neighboring country with which it has an economic relationship? There can be no flourishing in a world without U.S.-China stability. A long-term strategy that prioritizes dialogue is necessary.

As an atomic bombing site, we paid attention for mention of nuclear policy, but there was none. Merely inheriting former U.S. President Barack Obama’s ideal of “a world without nuclear weapons” is not sufficient.

Biden stated that “the sole purpose of our nuclear arsenal should be to deter — and, if necessary, retaliate against — a nuclear attack” but switched policy positions in the face of Russia’s repeated nuclear menace. Last year’s nuclear policy guidelines, called the Nuclear Posture Review, emphasized that “Strategic deterrence remains a top priority mission” for the U.S. and laid out a double standard, stating that it is a justifiable responsibility for the U.S. to provide a “nuclear umbrella” to allies. In the past two years, there have been no concrete gains toward nuclear disarmament, but large sums of money have been allocated toward modernizing nuclear weapons.

In May, at the G-7 Hiroshima Summit, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida is prepared to bring the attending countries into a discussion about totally abolishing nuclear weapons. During a U.S.-Japan leadership summit, Kishida pledged his hope that “mankind will never again face a tragedy created by nuclear weapons," and Biden seemingly endorsed Kishida’s message. Was this not because they both understand that total nuclear disarmament is the key to saving mankind and the road to establishing worldwide stability?

It is not too late now. Biden, as a leader who supports democracy, must take steps toward the total abolishment of nuclear weapons.


米一般教書演説 「核なき世界」素通りか

バイデン米大統領が、向こう1年間の政治方針となる一般教書演説を行った。驚くほど内向きな内容で、外交に割かれた時間はわずかだった。際立ったのは中国への対決姿勢である。

 「中国との競争に打ち勝つには結束しなければならない」と超党派の協力を呼びかけた。偵察目的とみられる気球飛来に反発を深める一方、緊張緩和に向けた具体策は示さなかった。

 海を挟んで中国と向き合うわが国としては、懸念を覚えざるを得ない。

 80歳で任期を折り返したバイデン氏は、雇用の創出や対中国を意識した半導体投資法の成立など過去2年の実績を並べ立てた。視線の先に2024年の大統領選があるのは間違いない。

 ただ残り2年は多難だ。先の中間選挙で民主党は議会下院で過半数を失い、対中強硬派の多い野党共和党の協力が不可欠である。中国への姿勢にはこうした思惑もあるのだろう。だが保護主義的な物言いは同盟国にも「自国第一」と映りかねない。

 米中対立は軍事と経済、先端技術の覇権争いが合わさって激化の一方だ。バイデン氏は「唯一の競争相手」と見なす中国に勝利すると訴え、日本を含む同盟国と協力して優位に立つと強調した。

 米国はロシアの侵攻を受けるウクライナへの支援に力を割いている。バイデン氏が、演説では言及しなかった台湾海峡問題で日本に一定の役割を担わせたいのは明らかだ。

それに呼応したのが、敵基地攻撃能力(反撃能力)の保有を中心に防衛力強化を打ち出した昨年暮れの安全保障関連3文書の閣議決定だろう。年明けの日米首脳会談の共同声明は「同盟はかつてなく強固」とうたったが、米中の関係悪化の裏返しである側面は拭えない。

 日本が米国の戦略にすっぽり組み込まれてしまえば外交の独自性を失う。隣国であり経済的な関わりの大きい中国にどう向き合うべきか。米中の安定なしに世界の発展はない。対話を重視した長期的な戦略が必要だ。

 被爆地としては、核政策に注目したが一切触れなかった。オバマ元大統領から「核なき世界」の理念を引き継ぎ、核兵器の役割縮小に意欲を見せていただけに物足りない。

 核兵器の使用を敵からの核攻撃阻止や反撃に限定する「唯一の目的」宣言を検討したが、ロシアが核の威嚇を繰り返す中で方針転換。昨年の核戦略の指針「核体制の見直し(NPR)」でも核抑止力は「引き続き国家の最優先事項」と強調し、同盟国への「核の傘」提供は責任ある正しいものだとする二重基準を敷いた。この2年は核軍縮で具体的な成果を得られてないばかりか、巨額の予算を割いて核兵器の近代化を進めている。

5月に広島である先進7カ国首相会議(G7サミット)で、岸田文雄首相は各国を核廃絶の議論に引き込みたい構えだ。日米首脳会談で岸田氏が「核の惨禍を人類が二度と起こさないとの誓いを世界に発信したい」と訴えたのに対し、バイデン氏は賛同を示した。核廃絶が人類を救い、世界を安定させる道だと理解するからではないのか。

 今からでも遅くない。民主主義陣営のリーダーとしてバイデン氏は、核廃絶への歩みを進めなければならない。
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