Major Changes to US Global Strategy Unlikely Despite Trump’s Comeback

Published in Takungpao
(Hong Kong) on 16 February 2024
by Zhou Bajun (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew McKay. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
Domestic factors in the United States will determine the outcome of the 2024 presidential election.

U.S. politics are divided and polarized, with supporters of the Democratic and Republican parties forming clear-cut, generally evenly matched camps, unmoved by each other’s exhortations and almost unconditionally supportive of their own political leaders. The most prominent example of this is Donald Trump, who has seen his popularity rise among Republicans and appears to be the Republican front-runner for the 2024 presidential election despite being embroiled in multiple prosecutions.

In the past, both the Democratic and Republican parties have valued financial capital to the detriment of the working class, but the latter has now become an object of contention between the Democrats and the Republicans. The working class consists of various ethnic groups, those who lack college degrees, and those paid by the hour — factory workers, home-care workers, delivery drivers, kindergarten teachers, barbers and hairdressers, waiters, farm laborers and cashiers — all of whom were considered essential service workers during the COVID-19 pandemic. Both the Democratic and Republican parties have realized that these people are key to 2024 election victory.

The American working class is immense, encompasses all walks of life, and is not particularly tractable. It is more atomized and independent-minded than in previous generations, and more susceptible to conspiracy theories and cynicism. Labor unions have seen a resurgence in popularity and activism, but in spite of this, only one in 10 American workers belongs to a union. The working class in the U.S. has been forsaken by that country’s inequitable economic system, even as it is bombarded with headlines dominated by successful people. Some people succumb to the proliferation of drugs, less and less convinced of their ability to empathize with the stories of those who pull themselves up by their bootstraps, but who also do not consider themselves down but not out; increasingly, they worship celebrities who pursue power out of self-interest, and Trump is just such a celebrity. Trump has abandoned platform catch phrases like tax cuts and deregulation that once greatly appealed to the Republican base, pivoting instead to voters concerned with crime rates, immigration and “what represents Americans.” His aptitude for political mobilization and his strategy of appealing directly to the masses is well-suited to the current political climate in the U.S.

There is strong chance that Trump will return to the White House; with a year left in its term, the Biden administration, on the other hand, has become a lame duck.

Recently, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu openly rejected a two-state solution to the conflict with the Palestinians, and to a certain extent, he dared do so because he is pinning his hopes on Trump. As president, Trump brokered the Abraham Accords, which established diplomatic relations between Israel and certain Arab countries, including the United Arab Emirates. On Dec. 6, 2023, Senate Republicans rejected a proposal by Biden that incuded sfinancial aid for Ukraine and Israel because Republicans rejected aid to Ukraine while also criticizing Biden for not being strong enough in his support of Israel.

In view of Trump's potential return to the White House, many governments and some multinationals are reducing or deferring engagements with the Biden administration pending the outcome of the election. But if Trump wins a second term, he will not change the United States' global strategy.

Because of how odious Trump is and the fact that he is a populist, Western mainstream media and American political cultural elite generally regard him as something of a nightmare, making him an outsider.

Most countries in the West, especially those in the European Union, dread a Trump comeback because of the foreign policy decisions he made while in office, especially his withdrawal from treaties and organizations and the way he put down American allies. Biden, on the other hand, values his allies and friends, and returned the U.S. to the World Health Organization and the Paris Climate Agreement, something that was viewed was an antidote to the actions Trump took. However, Biden's putting U.S. interests first and Trump’s “Make America Great Again” propaganda amount to much the same thing, and should Trump win a second term, we may not necessarily get a repeat performance of his withdrawal from treaties and organizations.

Will Trump sacrifice Ukraine to become a better bedfellow of Russia? As president, Trump met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in the Finnish capital, inadvertently demonstrating an intention to improve U.S.-Russian relations — but Trump dropped the idea in the face of fierce and collective opposition from European allies, U.S. domestic policy-making circles and the public. Even if Trump were to return to the White House, he would be unable to change course on the Russia-Ukraine conflict even if he wanted to.

Given that Trump took office in January 2017, his visit to China that November, and his administration’s announcement, the following month, that it would adjust the United States' global strategy pinpointing China and Russia as its enemies, one can view American world strategy as the product of extended deliberation among its decision-making community. It cannot be influenced by any one individual. Even if Trump ends up back in the White House, he will inherit Biden's global strategy that designates China as its main opponent and Russia as the most urgent threat, among other major decisions. This is dictated by the same logic according to which Biden inherited Trump’s approach to China and other important foreign relations decisions. Admittedly, under these rapidly changing global geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions, Trump could revise his approach; he has already said he would abolish the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework if reelected, but he may replace Biden’s “small courtyard and high wall” with a broader decoupling from China.

In short, many small and medium-sized countries are watching the U.S. election with trepidation and mistrust. But be that as it may, China must prepare for the fact that whether the next president is Trump or Biden, the next president will continue the advance toward accelerated containment, encirclement and the suppression of our country.

The author is a senior commentator for Ta Kung Pao.


特朗普纵卷土重来 美全球战略难大变

2024-02-16 04:02:45大公报

决定2024年美国大选结果的,是美国国内因素。

美国政治分裂而呈极端,民主共和两党支持者已形成壁垒分明、大体势均力敌的阵营,皆不为对方说教所动,对己方政治领袖几乎无条件支持,最突出的例子便是,特朗普官司缠身却在共和党阵营中民望上升,俨然已是2024年总统大选共和党候选人。

过去多年民主共和两党都重视金融资本忽视工薪阶层,如今,工薪阶层成了民主共和两党的争夺对象。在工薪阶层中,许多人来自各个族裔,缺少大学文凭,从事按小时付费的工作,例如工厂工人、居家护理员、快递司机、幼稚园老师、理发师、餐厅服务员、农场劳工和收银员等,在新冠疫情期间,被称作“必要服务工作者”。民主共和两党皆已意识到,这群人是他们在2024年大选中取胜的关键。

美国的工薪阶层规模庞大,涉及各行各业,不容易被领导。与前几代人比,当前的工薪阶层更原子化,思想更独立,更容易受阴谋论和愤世嫉俗观点影响。虽然工会重新受欢迎、越发活跃,但美国只有十分之一的工人参加工会。美国的工薪阶层被不平等的经济体制抛弃,被成功人士所占据的新闻头条“轰炸”。有些人在氾滥的毒品中纵欲,越来越不相信自己能同从底层发迹的故事共情,也不认为自己能当“被打败的英雄”。他们愈益崇拜出于私利追逐权力的名人,特朗普便是这样的人物。特朗普抛弃“减税”、“去监管”等曾非常吸引共和党基本支持者的口号,转而争取关注犯罪率、移民问题以及“什么能代表美国人”等议题的选民。特朗普的政治动员力和直接诉诸群众的策略,适合当前美国国内政局。

特朗普大概率重新入主白宫。拜登政府尚有一年任期,却已成跛脚鸭。

最近,以色列总理内塔尼亚胡敢公开否定“两国方案”,在一定程度上是寄望于特朗普。特朗普任总统时促成阿联酋等若干阿拉伯国家与以色列建交的“亚伯拉罕协议”。2023年12月6日,共和党人在美国参议院否定拜登援助乌克兰和以色列拨款议案,共和党人是不同意援乌,也批评拜登支持以色列不够强硬。

鉴于特朗普可能重主白宫,不少国家政府和一部分跨国公司会观望美国2024年大选结果而减弱或推迟与拜登政府交往。但是,特朗普即使重任美国总统,不会改变美国全球战略。

西方主流媒体和美国的政治文化精英普遍视特朗普为噩梦,主要因为特朗普人品恶劣和代表民粹,是“异类”。

西方尤其欧盟大多数国家忌惮特朗普卷土重来,是基于他主政美国时的一系列对外政策,尤其是“毁约退群”和打压盟国。拜登重视盟国和友邦,重返世卫组织和《巴黎气候协定》,是矫正特朗普。但拜登一样以美国利益为先,同特朗普鼓吹的“让美国更伟大”异曲同工。特朗普再主白宫,未必重演“毁约退群”之旧戏。

特朗普会不会牺牲乌克兰来与俄罗斯媾和?特朗普任美国总统时,与俄罗斯总统普京在芬兰首都会晤,曾流露改善美俄关系的动向,但在欧洲盟国和美国国内决策界、舆论界强烈反对下作罢。特朗普再主白宫,即使有心但无力在俄乌冲突上改弦更张。

以特朗普于2017年1月入主白宫,11月访华,12月底其政府即宣布美国调整全球战略、中俄为美国主要对手来看,美国全球战略是其决策界长期酝酿的结果,非任何个人所能左右。特朗普即使重返白宫,拜登推行的全球战略,其中,以中国为最主要对手,以俄罗斯为最紧迫威胁等等重大决策,将为特朗普所继承。因为根据相同的逻辑,首先是拜登承继了特朗普的对华方针以及其他重要对外关系决定。诚然,在急剧变化的全球地缘政治和地缘经济条件下,特朗普会在策略和部署上做修订。特朗普已表态他当选会废了印太经济框架,但他可能以更大范围与华脱钩取代拜登的“小院高墙”。

总之,许多中小国家正以忐忑的心情和狐疑的目光关注美国大选,但是,我国必须准备,美国下任总统无论特朗普还是拜登,都将延续加快加强对我国打压围堵遏制的大趋势。

资深评论员、博士
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