While US-China Disputes Are Difficult To Resolve, Taiwan Steadily Moves Ahead

Published in Taiwan Times
(Taiwan) on 11 April 2024
by Chang Jen-chieh (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
After intense and frequent interaction and communication, has the competition between the U.S. and China eased and the relationship really improved? The answer remains to be seen. Technological and economic competition between the two countries is like volcanic lava below ground, the scalding magma frequently erupting from the pressure. The struggle to dominate alliances in the Asian-Pacific region is like the shifting of tectonic plates, in danger of misaligning periodically, with destructive consequences. The most frightening thing in this relationship is the possibility of nuclear war and the competing value systems. The “assured mutual destruction” of nuclear war would destroy everything indiscriminately, while the competing value systems can affect the world like global warming or an ice age: The difference between success or failure can impact the entire globe and even change its livability.

Taiwan was originally a small variable in the relationship between the U.S. and China. However, China claims that having Taiwan is in its interest and is destiny, while the U.S. recognizes that Taiwan helps uphold global order and showcases and drives key technologies and democratic values. The triangular relationship between the U.S., China and Taiwan can be said to be the product of the Yalta Conference and was further defined during the Korean War. Now, it is the most valuable thing for the U.S. and China. Taiwan’s existence is like living on a fault line, where every shift is related to the ups and downs between the U.S. and China. Therefore, the study of Taiwan is required in U.S.-China negotiations. In a recent call with Xi Jinping, Joe Biden repeatedly stressed peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, as he did in talks with Fumio Kishida. Beijing has always said the U.S. should honor a One-China policy and now is going further by demanding the U.S. take steps to “oppose Taiwanese independence.” The role Taiwan plays and the pressure it is under seems to be growing daily. In reality, the tumult surging between the U.S. and China might result in a more solid and stable position for Taiwan.

Last week, The Economist issued rare criticism about Xi Jinping, and was spot-on in pointing out that he is superstitious about a technological utopia, centralized state power and security. His attempts to revitalize China through these and upturn the world order will eventually anger the rest of the globe and lead to failure. Xi is confident that a “new quality productive force” strategy can lead China out of its current predicament; instead, this will further drag down China’s faltering economy. This week, the quarterly publication Foreign Affairs published “No Substitute for Victory: America’s Competition With China Must Be Won, Not Managed,” in which the authors point out that America’s historical strategy of “deterrence” has failed. Currently, the Biden administration’s mistake in competing with China is the goal of “managing,” focusing on managing and forgetting that the goal is winning. Instead, it should copy President Ronald Reagan’s strategy for winning the Cold War. If the U.S. doesn’t go beyond dialoguing and managing, it will be defeated in future information and propaganda wars and by weaponized supply chains.

American political and academic circles are already dissatisfied with the ambiguous détente and joint administration. Voices calling for a showdown in a second or new Cold War might become mainstream. This is the new terrain we Taiwanese must face. In a new Cold War, defending Taiwan is the starting point in defending the world order — the road we must take to safeguard a value system of democracy and freedom. Therefore, the U.S. must greatly increase military spending in East Asia, provide allies and Taiwan with advanced precision weapons, build and deploy advanced military equipment and establish a close trade agreement with Taiwan. This is America’s goal and responsibility toward Taiwan’s survival and development. To ensure long-term dominance, the U.S. should decouple technologically and financially from China, raise a new generation of talent and rouse the determination of its people to prepare for a war.

The issue has been made more complex by the U.S. and China’s difficult relationship. Professor Graham Allison, who proposed the “Thucydides” competitive U.S.-China relationship, recently explained that China is the largest greenhouse-gas-producing country and the largest systematic long-term competitor to the U.S. with the second-largest economy. Thus, although they are competitors, they are also like conjoined twins. This kind of friend-foe relationship is complex. Both sides must prevent misunderstandings, miscalculations and misjudgments from expanding, to avoid repeating history through war. In the face of China’s desire to dominate Asia and the world, we can only cooperate with competitors to the greatest extent, keeping national survival as the bottom line. This is the strategic goal and wisdom of the U.S. and is also the guarantee for Taiwan’s survival and development. It is also our unavoidable responsibility and problem.

The author is a researcher at the Taiwan Brain Trust and a member of the Taiwan Association of University Professors.


(專論)中美糾葛難解 台灣穩步向前

美中競爭關係在密集頻繁的互動溝通後,是不是已經真的降壓、緩解了呢?答案還在未定之天。美中之間的科技與經濟競爭就像火山熔岩庫,滾燙的岩漿時常在擠壓噴發;美中的亞太盟主與全球霸主爭奪就像板塊擠壓,不時會有毀滅性錯位的危險;美中關係最可怕的還有核戰與價值制度競爭,核戰的「保證相互毀滅」可玉石俱焚,價值制度競爭就像地球暖化與冰河期,成敗之間可以覆蓋整個地球甚至改變地球的生機。

台灣本來是美中之間的一個小小變量,可是中國宣稱台灣是他們的利益與命運,美國也認知台灣是全球秩序的支撐,是關鍵科技與民主價值的櫥窗與發動機;美中台三角關係可說是「雅爾達體制」的產物,這個關係在韓戰進一步明確化,現在更成為美中雙方的「心頭肉」;台灣的存在就像是一條斷層帶,一舉一動都牽扯美中關係的起伏,所以台灣成為美中交涉的必修課,最近拜登在拜習通話中循例強調台海和平穩定,拜登與岸田會談一樣重彈此調,北京則一貫主張美國應遵守一個中國「原則」,現在進一步要求美國以行動落實「反對台獨」;台灣的角色與壓力似乎與日俱增,實際上美中激盪水漲船高的結果,可能使台灣擁有更加鞏固、更為安全的地位。

上週「經濟學人」週刊罕見的批判習近平,一針見血的指出習迷信科技烏托邦、中央集權、安全掛帥,企圖藉此振興中國、翻轉世界,最終將會激怒全球而以失敗收場;習自信以為「新質生產力」策略可以為中國打開一條生路,將進一步拖垮搖搖欲墜的中國經濟;本週「外交事務」季刊發佈「勝利無可替代:美國不是控管,而是必須贏得對中競爭」,指出美國歷來的「威懾」策略失效,目前拜登政府錯誤的以控管為目的展開對中競爭,注重管理卻忘了勝利才是目的;必須仿效雷根總統致力贏得冷戰的策略,如果只是停留在對話、控管,未來將在資訊戰、武器化供應鏈、宣傳戰的戰場吞下失敗苦果。

美國政學界已經不滿意牽扯不清的低盪、共管,主張一決雌雄的二次冷戰、新冷戰倡議可能成為主流,這是我們台灣需要面對的新形勢;在新冷戰的形勢下,保衛台灣就是防衛全球秩序的起點,是維護民主自由價值制度的必經之路,所以美國必須大舉增加編列東亞軍費,提供盟邦及台灣精準先進武器,興建部署前進軍事設施,並與台灣建立緊密的經貿協定,這既是美國的目標也是台灣生存發展的責任;美國要確保長期優勢,還要在科技與財政領域與中國脫鉤,並培育新世代的尖端人才以及喚醒全民備戰的決心。

美中的難分難解關係使得問題複雜化;提出美中「修昔底德」競爭關係聞名的艾利森教授,最近解釋中國做為最大的溫室氣體排放國、最大的系統化的長期競爭對手、第二大的經濟體,使得美中既是對手也是雙胞胎連體嬰,這種關係造成亦敵亦友的複雜局面,雙方有必要避免誤解、失算、誤判的擴大,避免重演歷史上霸權免兵戎相見的下場;面對中國稱霸亞洲及世界的企圖,只能以國家生存為底線與競爭對手做最大限度的合作;這些是美國的戰略目標與智慧,也是台灣生存發展的保障,更是我們難以推卸的責任與課題。

(作者為新台灣國策智庫研究員、台灣教授協會會員)

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