America Is Sliding toward Becoming a Banana Republic

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 12 October 2025
by Lih-Juann Chen (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
The term “banana republic” originally referred to puppet regimes in Central and South America supported by the U.S. government and corporations. These countries often relied on a sole crop to export and had weak governmental systems; their judicial and executive branches were subject to manipulation by the powerful and lacked legal safeguards. Today, likening the U.S. to a banana republic is undoubtedly ironic — a country claiming to be “of the people, by the people, for the people,” and known to be the world’s most liberal democracy, is slowly beginning to exhibit characteristics similar to that of an autocracy.

A series of recent reports by The New York Times has caused other countries to wonder whether the U.S. is sliding dangerously close to becoming a banana republic. Five of the incidents reported are particularly thought provoking.

First is the crisis surrounding the forced resignation of public prosecutors. A prosecutor assigned to investigate Donald Trump’s political opponents was forced to resign under pressure from the president due to the inability to produce “results.” The judiciary should be impartial and independent. However, when the president openly calls for the investigative system to “handle people” without looking at evidence, the foundations of the whole system are being eroded.

Second is the infringement on freedom of the press. Two famous talk show hosts who have long mocked Trump had their shows canceled, purportedly under pressure from the Federal Communications Commission. If true, this isn’t just an issue of media operations; rather, it touches upon the freedom of speech guaranteed by the First Amendment. During the Cold War, the U.S. prided itself on being “the voice of freedom.” Now, the government is secretly suppressing dissent — an ironic contrast to its actions in the past.

Third is the case of Harvard University. Because Harvard was unwilling to fully comply with the Trump administration’s demands, its federal research funds were frozen. Academic freedom, always a core value in American higher education, is now being influenced by the executive branch. This brings to mind McCarthyism, when many academics were apprehended for having suspected communist sympathies. This period left a long shadow on American intelligentsia.

Fourth is the firing of the chief statistician in the Bureau of Labor Statistics because she published data showing a decline in national hiring, which displeased Trump. Economic statistics should be based in professionalism and transparency. If data are manipulated under political pressure, not only will they mislead policies but they will also shake the faith the rest of the world has in the U.S. market. The sturdiness of a democratic system is built on a foundation of open and transparent data.

Finally, the controversy over the turnover at the Federal Reserve Board. The Fed is supposed to be independent of the executive branch to protect monetary policies from short-term political interference. However, once Trump dismissed a disobedient board member, citing her “involvement in mortgage fraud,” people suspected that his actual motive was to force interest rate cuts. If the financial system loses independence, the effect on global markets will unfortunately be much more profound than that of a single power struggle.

These five examples reveal a common trend: The system of checks and balances is gradually being eroded. This isn’t just a question of Trump’s personal style but rather the frailty of institutional design under political polarization.

The U.S. has faced similar challenges throughout history. During the time of Richard Nixon, Watergate shook public sentiment. In the end, however, investigations and impeachment proceedings demonstrated the self-healing power of the system. The problem now is that the degree of polarization between America’s two parties far exceeds that of the 1970s. Whether the system is strong enough is worth asking. In some European countries, rising populism has also challenged the independence of the judiciary and media. Still, since the U.S. has been “a model of democracy,” the demonstrative effect of its decline has been particularly severe.

Fortunately, the U.S. still has independent courts and a vibrant media landscape and civil society. Once power routinely crosses red lines within the system, successively pressuring judicial, academic, media and financial regulators, the country is no longer the “city upon the hill” it once was in the hearts of people around the world. America’s predicament is an alarm bell for all democracies.

The author is a scholar at Academia Sinica and a distinguished research chair professor at National Tsing Hua University.


陳力俊/美國正滑向「香蕉共和國」

「香蕉共和國」原指美國政府與企業在中南美洲扶植的傀儡政權。這些國家往往依賴單一出口作物,政治體制脆弱,司法與行政皆受強權操縱,亦缺乏法治保障。今日若用這個詞來比喻美國,無疑充滿諷刺─一個自稱「民有、民治、民享」,號稱世界第一自由民主的國家,竟逐步展現出與專制國度相似的特徵。

據日前《紐約時報》的連續報導,使外界不得不提出疑問:美國是否正滑向「香蕉共和國」的危險邊緣?其中五個事件尤其耐人尋味。

首先是檢察官的被迫辭職風波。一位奉命調查川普政敵的檢察官,因無法交出「成果」,在總統壓力下被迫下台。司法本應超然獨立,但當總統公然要求檢察體系「辦人」且不看證據,制度的根基便受到侵蝕。

其次是媒體自由受侵害。兩位長期取笑川普的知名脫口秀主持人節目被取消,背後傳出聯邦通信委員會施壓。若屬實,這不僅是媒體經營問題,而是直接觸及美國憲法第一修正案所保障的言論自由。冷戰時期美國常以「自由之聲」自豪,如今卻出現政府暗中打壓異議的情況,形成諷刺的歷史反差。

第三是哈佛大學的案例。哈佛因為不願完全服從川普政府的要求而被凍結聯邦研究經費。學術自由一向是美國高等教育的核心價值,如今卻被行政力量左右。令人想起麥卡錫主義,當年許多學者因被懷疑同情共產主義而遭追捕,對美國知識界留下長遠陰影。

第四是勞工統計局長被解職。原因是他公布的數據顯示全國招聘人數下降,令川普不滿。經濟統計本應以專業和透明為基礎,若數據因政治壓力被操弄,不僅誤導政策更動搖外界對美國市場的信任。民主制度的強健,正是建立在數據公開透明的基礎上。

最後是聯準會理事的去留爭議。美聯儲本應獨立於行政機關,保障貨幣政策免於短期政治干預。然而,當川普以「涉及房貸欺詐」為由撤換不聽話的理事,卻讓人質疑其真正目的在於迫使降息。若金融體系失去獨立性,對全球市場的衝擊恐比單一政爭更深遠。

這五件事呈現一個共同趨勢:制衡機制逐步被侵蝕。這不僅是川普個人風格的問題,更反映制度設計在極化政治氛圍下的脆弱。

美國歷史上也曾面臨相似挑戰。尼克森時代的水門案曾動搖民心,但最終透過調查與彈劾程序,展現了制度的自我修復力。問題在於,如今美國政黨的極化程度遠超過一九七○年代;制度是否還有足夠韌性,值得懷疑。部分歐洲國家也因民粹主義抬頭,挑戰了司法與媒體的獨立性;然美國身為「全球民主樣板」,其倒退的示範效應尤為嚴重。

所幸美國仍有獨立的法院、活躍的媒體與公民社會。但當權力習慣性地跨越制度紅線,當司法、學術、媒體與金融監管接連受壓,這個國家已不再是世人心目中那座「山巔之城」。美國的困境,也是對民主制度的一記警鐘。

(作者為中研院院士、清大特聘研究講座教授)

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