American Mobilization in Israel
In his campaign for a second term, Donald Trump spoke about foreign crises such as the [proxy] Russian-American war and the Israel-Gaza war, promising that as president he would work to end them within months of taking office. As for Gaza, it was clear that he gave Benjamin Netanyahu his blessing, even going so far as to say that Israel is a “small country,” implying that it needs to expand.
However, in recent months, Trump has noticed the international community's growing condemnation of Israeli brutality against Palestinians in Gaza, as well as mass demonstrations in capitals around the world, condemning Israel and supporting the Palestinians. Countries that were once allies of Israel have begun to call for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state within the framework of a two-state solution.
More than 150 countries have supported the Palestinians' right to establish their own state. This appears to have been a turning point in Trump's position. Meanwhile, Trump's advisers were drafting a plan for a permanent solution to the war, which crystallized into 21 points that Trump presented to Arab and Muslim leaders who endorsed it. The same plan had previously been proposed by Egypt and rejected by Netanyahu; however, it is clear that Netanyahu agreed out of necessity. Subsequently, Egypt hosted the Sharm el-Sheikh international conference.
Initial reactions to the plan and the announcement of a ceasefire ranged from welcoming it to cautioning that this relief would require intense efforts to implement the ceasefire and the plan's subsequent phases. However, those familiar with Netanyahu's thinking and his past record of undermining all peace initiatives — including the Oslo Accords that he vowed to revoke while inciting action against Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin before his assassination — note that he began this kind of undermining almost as soon as he assumed leadership in June 1993.
This may be what led some to question Netanyahu's commitment to the Sharm el-Sheikh agreement and to obstruct it. This doubt was confirmed in the days following the agreement, as Netanyahu’s military operations continued, killing dozens of Palestinians on a daily basis. This persisted despite Hamas's strict adherence to the ceasefire, release of Israeli hostages and serious efforts to search for Israeli bodies. In fact, the U.S. administration noted this seriousness on the part of Hamas. Netanyahu's continued violations of the ceasefire prompted the U.S. administration to try to salvage the plan. This explains the unprecedented deployment of American officials to persuade Netanyahu to maintain the ceasefire.
Ironically, while this mobilization was taking place in Israel, the Knesset discussed a bill to annex the West Bank, which was rejected by the White House, as well as Arab and Islamic countries. Egypt continues its efforts to unite Palestinian factions and make Hamas realize that the Palestinian national interest is higher than its ideological affiliations. This will require decisiveness in forming and deploying international forces to monitor and enforce the ceasefire, whether or not these forces are modeled on United Nations peacekeeping forces.
However, in recent months, Trump has noticed the international community's growing condemnation of Israeli brutality against Palestinians in Gaza, as well as mass demonstrations in capitals around the world, condemning Israel and supporting the Palestinians. Countries that were once allies of Israel have begun to call for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state within the framework of a two-state solution.
More than 150 countries have supported the Palestinians' right to establish their own state. This appears to have been a turning point in Trump's position. Meanwhile, Trump's advisers were drafting a plan for a permanent solution to the war, which crystallized into 21 points that Trump presented to Arab and Muslim leaders who endorsed it. The same plan had previously been proposed by Egypt and rejected by Netanyahu; however, it is clear that Netanyahu agreed out of necessity. Subsequently, Egypt hosted the Sharm el-Sheikh international conference.
Initial reactions to the plan and the announcement of a ceasefire ranged from welcoming it to cautioning that this relief would require intense efforts to implement the ceasefire and the plan's subsequent phases. However, those familiar with Netanyahu's thinking and his past record of undermining all peace initiatives — including the Oslo Accords that he vowed to revoke while inciting action against Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin before his assassination — note that he began this kind of undermining almost as soon as he assumed leadership in June 1993.
This may be what led some to question Netanyahu's commitment to the Sharm el-Sheikh agreement and to obstruct it. This doubt was confirmed in the days following the agreement, as Netanyahu’s military operations continued, killing dozens of Palestinians on a daily basis. This persisted despite Hamas's strict adherence to the ceasefire, release of Israeli hostages and serious efforts to search for Israeli bodies. In fact, the U.S. administration noted this seriousness on the part of Hamas. Netanyahu's continued violations of the ceasefire prompted the U.S. administration to try to salvage the plan. This explains the unprecedented deployment of American officials to persuade Netanyahu to maintain the ceasefire.
Ironically, while this mobilization was taking place in Israel, the Knesset discussed a bill to annex the West Bank, which was rejected by the White House, as well as Arab and Islamic countries. Egypt continues its efforts to unite Palestinian factions and make Hamas realize that the Palestinian national interest is higher than its ideological affiliations. This will require decisiveness in forming and deploying international forces to monitor and enforce the ceasefire, whether or not these forces are modeled on United Nations peacekeeping forces.
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