Rebuilding the U.S.-Japan Alliance: First, Diplomacy

Published in Yomiuri
(Japan) on 9 September 2011
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Kenny Nagata. Edited by Alyssa Goulding.
In order to halt the decline in Japanese diplomacy in recent years, there has been a rise in rhetoric concerning international topics. The Noda administration would like to establish a turning point.

At the inauguration press conference, Prime Minister Noda emphasized, “In a multipolar world, this era of diplomacy and security policy revolves around the Japanese-American relationship and we must deepen and further strengthen it.”

The prime minister’s abilities are still unknown, but we hope he follows through on this fundamental policy.

The Japan-U.S. Alliance has been acting as a public service for peace and safety in the Asia-Pacific region. It is also the consensus among many other Asian nations. The destabilization of Japan-American relations would negatively influence Japan’s relationships with other Asian nations.

For several years, the environment surrounding Japanese diplomacy has become rigid. The relative decline of national power due to five short-term prime ministers and the coming to power of emerging nations like China is undeniable.

This was particularly apparent after the change of government two years ago, with former Prime Minister Hatoyama’s diplomatic inexperience and former Prime Minister Kan’s pending question of whether the Japanese-American relationship was straying or whether it was stagnant. First, we ought to reconstruct the strength of the Japan-U.S. Alliance, then rebuild diplomacy.

The docket is full for the diplomatic schedule with the U.N. General Assembly continuing late into this month, the G-20 and East Asia Summit being held in November and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) conference. President Obama will be building relationships of trust with each country’s head of state and Japan needs to protect its national interest.

The most important thing is not “deepening the alliance” as Hatoyama and Kan touted, but taking specific actions toward resolving that issue.

The U.S. wants progress on the issue of moving the Futenma Air Station within one year. If that is not possible, there is concern that the Marines in Okinawa will have a massive relocation to Guam.

Prime Minister Noda, along with Foreign Minister Gemba, Defense Minister Ichikawa and Internal Affairs Minister Kawabata, needs to work closely for Okinawa’s cooperation and use all their strengths to overcome the deadlock.

Communication with China is also important. Since the collision of a fishing boat in the open sea near the Senkaku Islands last fall, the Japan-China-South Korea summit meeting has been held, but a stalemate has continued concerning issues like the problem of the gas fields in the East China Sea.

They should expand the issues for guaranteeing security and cooperation for issues of economics and trade in order for them to bear fruit, instead of the verbal rhetoric of a “strategy of mutually beneficial relations.”

Making decisions quickly is crucial, despite the previous administration’s decision to postpone the deployment of the Self-Defense Force to peacekeeping operations in South Sudan.

What we want of the Liberal Democratic Party and other opposition parties is, for reasons of parliamentary deliberation, to stop the custom of limiting foreign visits for the prime minister and the foreign minister. To continue to harm national interests under the shield of the “authority of the National Diet” exceeds the citizens’ understanding.


近年の日本外交の地盤沈下に歯止めをかけ、国際的な発言力を高める。野田内閣の発足を、その転機としたい。

野田首相は就任記者会見で、「世界が多極化する中、時代が求める外交・安保政策の軸は日米関係で、その深化・発展を遂げねばならない」と強調した。

首相の手腕は未知数だが、その基本方針で突き進んでほしい。

日米同盟は、アジア太平洋の平和と安全を支える公共財として機能してきた。それは多くのアジア諸国の共通認識でもある。日米関係の不安定化は、日本とアジア各国の関係にも悪影響を及ぼす。

ここ数年、日本外交を取り巻く環境は厳しくなっている。5人連続の短命首相に加え、中国など新興国の台頭で、外交を支える国力の相対的低下は否定できない。

特に2年前の政権交代後は、鳩山元首相の未熟な外交と菅前首相の懸案先送りで、日米関係は迷走・停滞した。まずは強固な日米同盟を再構築することから、外交を立て直さねばなるまい。

今月下旬の国連総会に続き、11月の主要20か国・地域(G20)と東アジアの首脳会議、アジア太平洋経済協力会議と、首脳外交の日程が目白押しだ。オバマ米大統領ら各国首脳と信頼関係を築き、日本の国益を守る必要がある。

最も重要なのは、鳩山、菅両氏のように単に「同盟深化」を唱えるのでなく、懸案の解決に向けて具体的な行動をとることだ。

米国は、米軍普天間飛行場の移設問題で「1年以内の進展」を求めている。それができない場合、在沖縄海兵隊のグアム移転が大幅に見直される恐れがある。

野田首相は、玄葉外相、一川防衛相、川端沖縄相とともに、沖縄との協議を重ね、打開策の模索に全力を挙げねばならない。

中国との対話も重要だ。

昨年秋の尖閣諸島沖での漁船衝突事件以来、日中韓首脳会談は開催したものの、東シナ海のガス田問題などは膠着こうちゃく状態が続く。

安全保障面の協議や経済・通商面の協力を拡充し、「戦略的互恵関係」を掛け声だけでなく、真に実のあるものにすべきだ。

前政権が決断を先送りした南スーダンの国連平和維持活動(PKO)への自衛隊派遣でも、早期に結論を出すことが肝要である。

自民党など野党に求めたいのは、国会審議を理由に、首相や外相の外国訪問を制約する悪あしき慣例をやめることだ。「国会の権威」を盾に国益を損ね続けることは、国民の理解を超えている。
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