Egypt Is Liberated from the Grip of US Occupation
A fierce battle is now underway between Egypt and America, which at its core is a battle for the liberation of Egypt from dependency on America.
It is the battle over the so-called rights organizations working in the field of civil society and human rights, which are considered the primary arm of American reach into Egyptian society. Targeting these organizations was taking a position not only against American penetration into Egypt politically and in terms of security, but also against policies at fault for nearly destroying Egyptian society and undermining media, political and cultural life in Egypt through complete subordination to America. It is a battle of national liberation that aims to release Egyptian life from American claws and impede the deliberate destruction that Egypt has been subjected to for over 30 years. This has affected all aspects of the nation, from agricultural soil to the air, from the draining of intellect and wealth to the recruitment of agents and establishing of spy networks.
It is a pivotal battle fought by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in defense of all of Egypt. The matter has reached the point that 43 accused stand before the criminal court, among them 19 Americans, who have been indicted for the first time in the history of American-Egyptian relations. Such legal proceedings did not occur even in the 1960s during the leadership of Gamal Abdel Nasser, when American-Egyptian relations were at their worst. And it is a position for Egypt from which there is no going back. According to Prime Minister Kamal Ganzouri, it demonstrates nationalism, a sense of belonging to the country and a desire to reclaim the spirit, dignity and truth. So-called rights groups, whether officially licensed or unlicensed, play a destructive and subversive role against these ideas and are considered tools of espionage and sabotage. These groups receive suspicious foreign funding that reached more than $1.2 million in 2011.
This emphasizes the gravity of the destructive role that these organizations play. They are part of the policies that were being implemented by the previous regime, led by the ousted Mubarak, to establish the American penetration into Egypt. I believe it is clear that striking at and eliminating these organizations is only the beginning of a long path. These organizations will not be the end of the battle to liberate Egypt but are only a step in a long journey begun by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to return Egypt to its glory and pioneering role. Meanwhile, we do not forget that America is in a state of complete confusion due to the unexpected positions taken by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. These have included withdrawing the Egyptian military delegation from America and ending its visit because of its refusal to accept any statements issued by the American administration; these positions remind us of Egyptian national honor and similar precedents in our national history.
In Egypt, we have a true and unchanging rule that the leader Gamal Abdel Nasser always used to say: "When I hear the American and British administrations insulting me, I am sure that I am moving along the correct path. When they stop attacking me, I feel danger and apprehension, and I am sure that there is a mistake and that something is happening.”
An application of this rule is that the American attack on Egypt confirms that the official position is sound, as are its protection of Egyptian national security and its standing up to American pressure. So it remains for us to point out two facts. The first is that America demanded five times that the ousted Hosni Mubarak dismiss the Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, but Mubarak was unable to carry out the American request. America was well aware of Field Marshal Tantawi's patriotism and strong connection to Egypt, and it feared the very special role of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in Egypt.
The second is that America insists on the dismissal of Dr. Faiza Abdul Naga from her position as minister of Planning and International Cooperation because she dared to strike at interfering American organizations, like the Democratic Institute, the Republican Institute, Freedom House, etc.
Because she revealed her willingness to reject and dispense with American aid, she is a model for the nationalistic Egyptian official that disappeared from our political life for the entire 30 years of rule by the ousted Hosni Mubarak.
It is the battle over the so-called rights organizations working in the field of civil society and human rights, which are considered the primary arm of American reach into Egyptian society. Targeting these organizations was taking a position not only against American penetration into Egypt politically and in terms of security, but also against policies at fault for nearly destroying Egyptian society and undermining media, political and cultural life in Egypt through complete subordination to America. It is a battle of national liberation that aims to release Egyptian life from American claws and impede the deliberate destruction that Egypt has been subjected to for over 30 years. This has affected all aspects of the nation, from agricultural soil to the air, from the draining of intellect and wealth to the recruitment of agents and establishing of spy networks.
It is a pivotal battle fought by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in defense of all of Egypt. The matter has reached the point that 43 accused stand before the criminal court, among them 19 Americans, who have been indicted for the first time in the history of American-Egyptian relations. Such legal proceedings did not occur even in the 1960s during the leadership of Gamal Abdel Nasser, when American-Egyptian relations were at their worst. And it is a position for Egypt from which there is no going back. According to Prime Minister Kamal Ganzouri, it demonstrates nationalism, a sense of belonging to the country and a desire to reclaim the spirit, dignity and truth. So-called rights groups, whether officially licensed or unlicensed, play a destructive and subversive role against these ideas and are considered tools of espionage and sabotage. These groups receive suspicious foreign funding that reached more than $1.2 million in 2011.
This emphasizes the gravity of the destructive role that these organizations play. They are part of the policies that were being implemented by the previous regime, led by the ousted Mubarak, to establish the American penetration into Egypt. I believe it is clear that striking at and eliminating these organizations is only the beginning of a long path. These organizations will not be the end of the battle to liberate Egypt but are only a step in a long journey begun by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to return Egypt to its glory and pioneering role. Meanwhile, we do not forget that America is in a state of complete confusion due to the unexpected positions taken by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. These have included withdrawing the Egyptian military delegation from America and ending its visit because of its refusal to accept any statements issued by the American administration; these positions remind us of Egyptian national honor and similar precedents in our national history.
In Egypt, we have a true and unchanging rule that the leader Gamal Abdel Nasser always used to say: "When I hear the American and British administrations insulting me, I am sure that I am moving along the correct path. When they stop attacking me, I feel danger and apprehension, and I am sure that there is a mistake and that something is happening.”
An application of this rule is that the American attack on Egypt confirms that the official position is sound, as are its protection of Egyptian national security and its standing up to American pressure. So it remains for us to point out two facts. The first is that America demanded five times that the ousted Hosni Mubarak dismiss the Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, but Mubarak was unable to carry out the American request. America was well aware of Field Marshal Tantawi's patriotism and strong connection to Egypt, and it feared the very special role of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in Egypt.
The second is that America insists on the dismissal of Dr. Faiza Abdul Naga from her position as minister of Planning and International Cooperation because she dared to strike at interfering American organizations, like the Democratic Institute, the Republican Institute, Freedom House, etc.
Because she revealed her willingness to reject and dispense with American aid, she is a model for the nationalistic Egyptian official that disappeared from our political life for the entire 30 years of rule by the ousted Hosni Mubarak.