The Advantages of American-Style Elections Are Slipping Away

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 18 October 2012
by Shan Renping (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Josie Mulberry.
Obama and Romney held their second televised debate on Oct. 16, not only attracting a U.S. audience, but also drawing some Chinese viewers who understand English through Internet broadcasts. The reaction of the latter group was largely positive, expressing their admiration of American-style democracy. Data from the Pew Research Center claims that the vast majority of Chinese believe that China is moving in the right direction, but also that 52 percent of respondents have positive impressions of American-style democracy.

American-style democracy has always held a certain attraction for people in non-Western countries, and there are indeed quite a few Chinese who view it favorably. Also worthy of note is that this kind of positive impression or admiration is not as sensitive of an issue in Chinese society as it was in the past; the blow to Chinese politics from these kinds of sentiments is shrinking.

An important reason within that may be that Chinese appreciation for American-style democracy is increasing in a manner similar to Chinese appreciation for beautiful scenery while visiting Western cities. The number of people who believe that China should actually become politically more like the U.S. is decreasing, just as with the amount of people who believe that China's path should become more like the West's.

In the 30 years since reforms, the Chinese have increased in experience and knowledge; having gained a better frame of reference for making judgments, many Chinese can already automatically and clearly mark the difference between admiring something and going to do it themselves. There are many things in this world which look good, but we already know that we do not have to imitate everything.

The U.S. presidential debates are quite entertaining; the ratings of some countries' televised debates are even higher than their voter turnouts. These trials-by-fire first and foremost allow the best orators and debaters in those countries to be chosen. Western politicians are adept at stringing together clever lines, one benefit of which is that it makes politics livelier and not quite so dry.

The U.S. general election in particular is skillfully played — at times going to extremes, but also at times understated — and is often held up as the "model" for Western political civilization. Elections and the societies of every nation shape each other. Whether or not an election progresses smoothly can often decide a country's basic outlook.

However, when this process is applied globally, the overall risks are high. Those who live in Western societies today are extremely fortunate. Their predecessors completed the stage of "primitive accumulation" for democracy and bore the heavy societal costs which non-Western countries are just now experiencing. Even more fortunate smaller countries have bypassed that stage completely. Today, from Asia to Africa and Latin America, multitudes of social conflicts revolve around elections; the correlation between Western-style elections and prosperity is shaky at best.

From a historical perspective, Western-style elections have been equally good and bad with respect to choice of leadership, with a significant element of luck that can cause grave missteps. Its true significance lies in avoiding dictatorship. In the age when dictatorships were prevalent, the advantages of Western-style democratic systems were nearly absolute. However, the interaction between globalization and political civilization has gradually torn down dictators across the world and the essence of democracy has, through various paths and forms, been applied in numerous non-Western countries. The advantages of Western-style elections are slipping away.

Enthusiasm for democracy within Chinese society is on the rise. Furthermore, the Chinese have already moved on from their earliest vague ideas and become clearer and more resolute on walking their own path towards developing democracy. Now, most Chinese already do not trust that democracy can be transplanted, nor that it will come like manna from heaven by simply setting down laws. We already clearly understand that democracy can only come step by step and that it must be the sum of many other improvements in China.

It is precisely because of this that we hold an admiration similar to appreciating beautiful scenery when watching the U.S. election, but at the same time, we now have the ability to see its flaws and inadequacies. For example, it is too much of a war of words requiring U.S. politicians to prioritize their public image, which was not the original intent of the elections system.

Chinese people should be open-minded about appreciating and learning from others' strengths. However, at the same time, Chinese society must have its own ideas and opinions, and know generally where we stand and where we want to go. We must clearly understand that there is absolutely no ready-made model in this world for moving a great nation of 1.3 billion people forward.


  奥巴马和罗姆尼美国时间16日搞了第二次电视辩论,不仅吸引了美国观众,还通过互联网直播,引来一些懂英语的中国围观者。后者的评论大多很正面,表达了对美式民主的羡慕。美国皮尤调查公司的数据称,大多数中国人认为,中国正朝着正确的方向发展,但52%的受访者对美式民主有好感。

  美式民主对非西方国家的公众一直挺有吸引力,中国人对美式民主有好感的人也的确很多。而且值得注意的是,这样的好感或羡慕在中国社会已经不像过去那样敏感,这种感受对中国现实政治的冲击越来越小。

  其中一个重要原因或许是,中国人对美式民主的欣赏,越来越像中国人游览欧美城市时对美景的那种欣赏,认为中国应当在政治上把自己变得同美国一样的人,就像认为中国的街道应变得同欧美一样的人越来越少。

  改革开放三十几年,中国人的见识多了,判断的参照系丰富了,很多中国人已经能够自动分清羡慕和自己同样去做的区别。世界上有很多看上去挺好或者不错的东西,但我们已经知道,并非所有事都是我们必须照葫芦画瓢的。

  美国总统候选人的电视辩论有很强观赏性,一些国家类似电视辩论的收视率甚至超过选举的投票率。这些辩论的一次次洗礼和强化,首先遴选出那些国家里最优秀的能言善辩者。西方政治家都有本事妙语连珠,一个好处是使得政治变得热闹,不枯燥。

  美国大选尤其把选举玩得娴熟,既尖锐得极端,又能收得回来,常被当成西方政治文明的“样板”。选举同各国社会都是相互塑造的过程,它进展得顺利与否常能决定一个国家的基本面貌。

  然而这个过程拿到全世界范围看,总体上是风险重重的。今天的西方社会属于最幸运的一拨。他们的前辈完成了民主的“原始积累”,今天非西方国家正在经历的很多沉重社会代价,他们的前辈已经承担了,更幸运的小国甚至跳过去了。今天从亚洲到非洲、拉美的大量社会冲突都围绕选举展开,西式选举与繁荣的关系是飘忽不定的。

  西方式选举对领导人的选择,从历史上看优劣参半,有撞大运的成分,导致过严重错误。它的真正意义是避免独裁。在独裁盛行的时代,西式选举制度的优势几乎是绝对的。然而全球化和政治文明的相互渗透逐渐在世界范围内拆了独裁的台,民主的精髓通过各种途径和形式在大量非西方国家被运用。西式选举的优势实际在流失。

  中国社会对民主的热情越来越高。而且中国人对走一条自己的民主发展之路,已经从最初的隐约直觉变得越来越清晰、坚定。现在中国大多已不相信民主是能够“搬来的”,能通过制定一个个法律就从天上像馅饼一样掉下来。我们已经清楚,民主只能一步步走出来,而且它必然也只能是中国各种进步的总和。

  正因为这样,我们看美式选举有了欣赏风情一般的羡慕,同时我们也已经“有闲心”能够发现它的一些毛病和不足。比如它过于像是口才大战,像是表演,它要求美国的政治家把向公众呈现自己的最好一面当成头等要务,而这并非选举制度最初设计的本意。

  中国人应当有欣赏、学习别人各种长处的胸怀。但中国社会同时必须有主心骨,大致知道我们自己站在哪里,要向哪里去。我们得清楚,这个世界决没有一个为13亿人大国准备好的现成前进模板。 ▲(作者是《环球时报》评论员)
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