Japan Must Repair "Strong Alliance"

Published in Sankei Shimbun
(Japan) on 4 January 2013
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Tom Derbish. Edited by Rachel Smith.
In the last year, the threat level in East Asia has reached new heights. The peace and safety of Japan in particular has been threatened by sudden changes to its security environment.

Japan must prepare for continued Chinese incursions into the territorial waters and airspace of the Senkaku Islands, as well as long-range ballistic missile tests and a possible third nuclear weapons test from North Korea.

This situation has been brought about, in large part, over the last three years under the Democratic Party administration by the deterioration of the Japan-U.S. alliance and its effectiveness as a deterrent. In order to repel China's aggression and stand up to the threats of North Korea, Japan must work to repair the old “strong alliance” with the U.S. However, Japan must also be willing to take on the risks and responsibilities necessary to create the kind of cooperative security agreement that these times demand.

Missile Interception Is Essential

A leadership summit between Japan and the U.S. would be a good first step in this process. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who was recently re-elected after his numerous calls for crisis avoidance, is slated to take his first trip to the U.S. this month. We must keep in step with U.S. President Barack Obama as he enters his second term in office, and dedicate all of our national energy to maintaining peace in Asia and constructing a foundation of self-defense in Japan.

In a telephone conversation at the end of last year, Prime Minister Abe told President Obama, "Japan and the U.S. must work together to foster peace and security in Asia. We are prepared to fulfill our responsibilities to prevent a collapse of the power balance in the region." It is absolutely necessary to address the rise of China's military and their coercive naval advancements as threats to global peace. Failing to recognize this problem could have been the American administration's largest error.

There are several issues Japan must act on if it wishes to strengthen its alliance with the U.S.

First, we must make the necessary changes to the constitution to allow the right to collective self-defense and avoid the past interpretation that we may possess but not use a military.

Prime Minister Abe, in a report created by a panel of experts during his first term of office in 2006 and 2007, laid out four scenarios in which action should be approved, including the interception of a ballistic missile directed at the U.S.

Missile interception was also described at the time by the U.S. Ambassador to Japan as an urgent issue and a responsibility of the alliance. It is definitely a prerequisite to strengthening the alliance.

After forming his cabinet at the end of last year, Prime Minister Abe said he would once again like to hear the report and advance the discussion. Escorting U.S. vessels in the Pacific, participating in active international peacekeeping operations and responding to Chinese aggression have also become issues. The Komeito Party, allied with Prime Minister Abe's Liberal Democratic Party, has been cautious in supporting these actions. However, we would like to see the prime minister exercise his powers and quickly bring about these changes in the constitutional interpretation.

There is also an urgent need to revise the Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation. The current guidelines, decided in 1997, did not anticipate Chinese incursions into Japanese waters or the attacks on the Senkaku Islands. We must review the form of these collaborative guidelines and rid them of their current failings.

Finally, we must move forward on the Futenma military base issue. Last spring, an agreement was reached between the Japan and the U.S. to separate the Futenma base issue from the transfer of U.S. naval forces stationed in Okinawa to Guam. However, we must not forget that the deployment and dispersion of U.S. naval forces in Japan plays an essential part of the comprehensive containment of China. If the reorganization of U.S. forces is too slow, the ability of the alliance to deter Chinese aggression will be compromised.

Willingness to Negotiate TPP

On the other hand, security and economics will be the driving forces behind U.S. President Barack Obama's second term Asia-Pacific policy. An important pillar of this policy will be the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) negotiations. The U.S. is expecting an announcement from Japan that we are willing to participate in negotiations.

The TPP is intended to bind together various nations that value free trade and democracy in order to urge China to respect that model. China has created its own free trade framework in an effort to resist the U.S. We would like to see Prime Minister Abe give a clear sign during his visit to the U.S. that Japan plans to participate in these negotiations with the goal of bringing further prosperity to the Asian region.

In strengthening our U.S. alliance, it is absolutely necessary that we perform a comprehensive analysis of our foreign diplomacy, military, and economy. The creation of a National Security Council, as Prime Minister Abe has promised to do, would be an appropriate step forward. We would like to see immediate measures taken to increase defense spending and strengthen our coast guard forces.

Last summer, a report from pro-Japan groups in the U.S. questioned whether “Japan is content with being a second-rate nation.” This shows that the desire for a restoration of the Japan-U.S. alliance is strong on the U.S. side as well. What is most important is to start from the ground up to create a new message and revise the diplomatic and security policies of the previous administration, which reduced our faith in the alliance with the U.S. and gave up critical national interests to China.

Prime Minister Abe's trip to the U.S. will also be an excellent opportunity to create a good communicative relationship with incoming Secretary of State John Kerry and his colleagues. To truly reconstruct a strong alliance, we must also improve relations with South Korea. Only with a close collaboration among Japan, the U.S. and South Korea will we be able to face the threats from China and North Korea. Much like we at the Sankei Newspaper proposed the year before last in our plan for revisions to the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan, both nations must forge a completely reciprocal self-defense arrangement.


日米安保体制 「強い同盟」に立て直しを 日本自らリスクを負う時だ
2013.1.4 03:07 (1/3ページ)[日米関係]

 今年の東アジアは、昨年にも増して危険に満ちている。とりわけ安全保障環境の激変で、日本の平和と安全は急を告げている。

 尖閣諸島に対する中国の領海・領空侵犯は今年も繰り返されると予想され、北朝鮮の長距離弾道ミサイルの再発射や3度目の核実験の可能性に備える必要もある。

 この状況を招いたのは、3年余の民主党政権下で日米同盟を空洞化させ、抑止の実効性を低下させたことが大きい。中国の攻勢をはねのけ、北の脅威に立ち向かうには、「強い同盟」に立て直すとともに、時代にふさわしい日米安保体制へ向けて、日本も自らリスクと責務を背負う覚悟が必要だ。

 ≪ミサイル迎撃は必須だ≫

 「危機突破」を掲げて再登板した安倍晋三首相が月内にも訪米して臨む日米首脳会談は、その第一歩だ。2期目に入るオバマ大統領と歩調をそろえ、アジア太平洋の平和と日本の防衛を支える基盤の再構築に全力を注いでほしい。

 昨年末の電話会談で、安倍氏は「日米が協力して平和で安定したアジアを構築したい。パワーバランスが崩れないように日本も責任を果たしたい」とオバマ氏に語った。中国の軍事的台頭と強引な海洋進出で、地域の軍事均衡が危機にさらされているとの認識が極めて重要だ。民主党政権に最も欠けていた問題意識といえる。

 同盟立て直しへ向けて、日本から行動を起こすべき課題はいくつもある。第1は、「保有するが、行使はできない」とする従来の憲法解釈を変更して集団的自衛権を行使できるようにすることだ。

 安倍氏は第1次内閣時に有識者会議報告を通じて米国を狙う弾道ミサイルの迎撃など、行使を容認すべき4類型を整理した。中でもミサイルの迎撃は、当時の駐日米大使も「同盟国の責務」と訴えた緊急課題だ。同盟強化に必須の前提と言わざるを得ない。

 昨年末の組閣後、安倍氏は「報告をもう一度聞き、検討を進めたい」と語ったが、米艦船の防護、国際平和活動など既存の類型に加え、中国の攻勢への対応も新たな課題となる。連立相手の公明党は行使容認に慎重だが、首相自ら指導力を発揮して、早急に解釈変更を実現してもらいたい。

 第2に、「日米防衛協力のための指針」(ガイドライン)の見直しも急務だ。現行指針が決まった1997年当時は、中国の海洋進出も尖閣攻勢も想定しなかった。共同対処のあり方を見直し、欠落を埋めていかねばならない。

 第3は、米軍普天間飛行場移設の促進だ。普天間移設は昨年春の日米合意で在沖海兵隊のグアム移転計画から切り離されたが、米国が中国包囲網の一環とする海兵隊分散・広域配備との密接な補完関係を忘れてはならない。在日米軍再編が遅れるほど、同盟の対中抑止機能も損なわれかねない。

≪TPP交渉参加表明を≫

 一方、2期目のオバマ政権は安保と経済を両輪にアジア太平洋戦略を推進する。その重要な柱は環太平洋戦略的経済連携協定(TPP)交渉であり、米側が日本に「交渉参加」の意思表明を真っ先に期待していることは確実だ。

 TPPには、自由貿易や民主主義を掲げる国々を結集して中国に規範の尊重を促すなどの地政学的意味がある。対抗する中国は米国抜きの自由貿易枠組みを画策している。安倍氏はアジアの成長を取り込む上でも、同盟の結束強化の観点からも、参加方針を明確にして訪米に臨んでほしい。

 同盟強化には外交、軍事、経済の総合的検討が欠かせず、安倍氏が早期設置を約束した日本版国家安全保障会議(NSC)は、そうした場にふさわしい。防衛費の増額や海上保安庁強化なども含めて速やかに発足させたい。

 昨年夏、米知日派報告が「日本は二流国家に甘んじるのか」と問うたように、「強い同盟国」の復活に対する期待は米側でも強い。同盟の信を失い、中国には「位負け」外交で国益を損なってきた前政権の外交・安保政策を、根底から一新するメッセージを内外に発信することが何よりも重要だ。

 訪米はケリー次期国務長官らと意思疎通を深める好機でもある。強固な同盟を再構築した上で韓国とも関係を改善し、日米韓が結束して中国や北と向き合う態勢を整えたい。産経新聞が一昨年、提案した日米安保条約再改定案のように、日米が完全な相互防衛義務を果たすことも必要だ。
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