U.S. President Barack Obama has done a lot to raise the reputation of the United States again. However, he lacks the moral authority to condemn autocrats — at least as long as he does not abandon interventionist politics.
Yes, this happens when you ruin your reputation: Autocrats start to act as advocates of human rights, which they deny to their own political opponents.
So Vladimir Putin generously grants asylum to the American whistle-blower Edward Snowden because he would face torture and possibly the death penalty in the U.S., although this has just now been ruled out in an embarrassing letter from the U.S. attorney general to Putin.
Thus the Russian president has no need to waste a single word about having abused the legal system of his own country to sideline antagonists like Alexej Nawalny or Michail Chodorkowski.
Credibility Suffers
The U.S. would have good reasons to condemn Russia's hypocritical behavior. Despite the occasional assertions by President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry, the credibility of such criticism would be affected — especially regarding Pakistan, where the secret drone war continues, as well as the undercover actions of anti-terrorism special forces abroad, or the global spying on friend and foe.
Obama has done a lot to raise the reputation of the United States again, but as long as he does not abandon interventionist politics, he lacks the moral authority to condemn autocrats.
US-Präsident Barack Obama hat viel getan, um das Ansehen der USA wieder aufzupolieren. Allerdings fehlt ihm die moralische Autorität, Autokraten zu verdammen - zumindest solange er die interventionistische Politik nicht aufgibt.
Ja, so ist das, wenn man seinen Ruf ruiniert: Dann gerieren sich Autokraten als Verfechter von Menschenrechten, die sie ihren eigenen politischen Gegnern verweigern.
Dann kann Wladimir Putin dem amerikanischen Whistleblower Edward Snowden großzügig Asyl gewähren, weil ihm in den USA womöglich Folter oder die Todesstrafe droht – obwohl das nun gerade in einem peinlichen Brief des US-Justizministers an Putin ausgeschlossen wurde.
Dann muss der russische Präsident kein Wort darüber verlieren, dass er das Rechtssystem seines Landes missbraucht, um Widersacher wie Alexej Nawalny oder Michail Chodorkowski kaltzustellen.
Glaubwürdigkeit leidet
Die USA hätten gute Gründe, das scheinheilige russische Gehabe zu verurteilen. Doch die Glaubwürdigkeit solcher Kritik leidet darunter, dass trotz gelegentlicher Beteuerungen von Präsident Barack Obama oder Außenminister John Kerry – gerade in Pakistan – der geheime Drohnenkrieg ebenso fortgesetzt wird wie verdeckte Aktionen von Antiterror-Spezialeinheiten im Ausland oder das globale Ausspähen von Freund und Feind.
Obama hat viel getan, um das Ansehen der USA wieder aufzupolieren. Doch solange er die interventionistische Politik nicht aufgibt, fehlt ihm die moralische Autorität, Autokraten zu verdammen.
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It wouldn’t have cost Trump anything to show a clear intent to deter in a strategically crucial moment; it wouldn’t even have undermined his efforts in Ukraine.
The madness lies in asserting something ... contrary to all evidence and intelligence. The method is doing it again and again, relentlessly, at full volume ... This is how Trump became president twice.
The economic liberalism that the world took for granted has given way to the White House’s attempt to gain sectarian control over institutions, as well as government intervention into private companies,
It wouldn’t have cost Trump anything to show a clear intent to deter in a strategically crucial moment; it wouldn’t even have undermined his efforts in Ukraine.