The U.S. government finds itself preparing to attack the government of Bashar al-Asad in response to the supposed use of chemical weapons against rebels and the Syrian population in Damascus on Aug. 21, 2013. This attack, according to the U.S., truncated the lives of 1,429 people, among these at least 426 being children. The nation also argues that having the free world let this type of massacre pass without a response would set a disastrous precedent.
Such conclusions, in addition to Obama's commitment in August 2012 to the idea that the use of chemical weapons would mean overstepping "a red line" that Washington would not tolerate, allow one to infer that American bombs will fall on Syria sooner than later.
The purpose of this “limited strike,” according to Obama, would not be to overthrow Bashar al-Asad but rather to simply punish him in a timely manner in order to limit his ability to bomb the civil population of Syria. The problem is that it will bring with it consequences that are difficult to predict, given that the attack will take place in a relatively unstable region.
In addition to possibly causing a hopeless and aggressive reaction from the Syrian government that could spill over its borders, armed interventions are rarely effective solutions. On the contrary, they increase hatred and humanitarian tragedies and make the nation's population more vulnerable.
El Gobierno estadounidense se encuentra en aprontes para atacar al régimen de Bashar al Asad, en respuesta al supuesto empleo de armas químicas contra los rebeldes y la población siria el 21 de agosto en Damasco. Este ataque, según EEUU, segó la vida de 1.429 personas, entre éstas al menos 426 niños; y argumenta que sería un pésimo precedente si el mundo libre dejara pasar sin respuesta una masacre de estas características.
Tales conclusiones, y el compromiso de Obama en agosto de 2012 de que el empleo de armas químicas supondría traspasar “una línea roja” que Washington no iba a tolerar, permiten inferir que más pronto que tarde las bombas norteamericanas caerán en Siria.
El problema es que esta “guerra limitada”, cuyo propósito no sería derrocar a Bashar al Asad, sino solamente castigarlo a tiempo de limitar su capacidad para bombardear a la población civil (en palabras de Obama), conllevaría consecuencias difíciles de prever, puesto que tendrá lugar en una región bastante inestable.
En efecto, además de causar una reacción desesperada y agresiva del régimen sirio que podría desbordar sus fronteras, las intervenciones armadas casi nunca son una solución. Al contrario, aumentan el odio, las tragedias humanitarias y hacen más vulnerable a la población.
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The madness lies in asserting something ... contrary to all evidence and intelligence. The method is doing it again and again, relentlessly, at full volume ... This is how Trump became president twice.
It wouldn’t have cost Trump anything to show a clear intent to deter in a strategically crucial moment; it wouldn’t even have undermined his efforts in Ukraine.
The paternalism with which the United States has been taking on the economy (with trade as a strategy) and the territory of South and Central America dates back a long time.
Biden's triumph has given us a guiding narrative: the idea that, in the worst circumstances, believing, organizing and mobilizing can produce a kind of miracle.