New US Trend: If Japan Is a Democracy, Reverse the Henoko Plan

Published in Ryukyu Shimpo
(Japan) on 24 November 2013
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Stephanie Sanders. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
“We could move the military base. But it is a domestic problem in Japan. The security alliance is also at Japan’s request.”* Immediately following the unfortunate incident of September 1995, the U.S and Japanese governments officially worked through the excess burden of military bases in Okinawa for the first time. The following month, U.S. Secretary of Defense Perry came to Japan; I recall he clearly spoke of the possibility of transferring the base outside the prefecture on the premise of improving the U.S. military’s attack deterrence in Japan.

It’s been 18 years since then. In an interview with the Ryukyu Shimpo, former Assistant Secretary of State Campbell, as a U.S. official and think tank researcher who has come to be deeply involved in the Okinawa base problem, stated in reference to the issue of moving Futenma air base to Henoko, Nago City, “We have arrived at the stage where we consider whether to proceed further or to explore a different procedure.”

It’s a remark that bears in mind Governor Hirokazu Nakaima’s Henoko landfill decision and the Nago mayoral election. Campbell is the leading expert who remains a key person in U.S. policy toward Japan, but Japan and the U.S. should take seriously the truth in his suggestion of exploring another option at Okinawa’s discretion.

As the party who constructed the Henoko plan and who has been deeply involved in planning since then, Campbell has until recently been consistently opposed to rethinking relocation. Acting as that leading expert, when faced with the situation in the prefecture, it appears as if he was compelled to say so.

Reduction of defense spending accompanied by Marine Corps reduction, decrease of the United States’ role in emergency situations, advances in military technology and distribution strategy of the Asia-Pacific region have led the U.S. to keep an eye on the rise of China. There is shifting terrain behind the increasing flexibility from U.S. Congress and experts toward re-evaluating relocation, but what they share is likely a level-headed decision in light of the “it can’t be forced it in the midst of local opposition” kind of democratic principle.

On the other hand, Japan’s government threatens local representatives with “Henoko or immobilization of Futenma” and is pressing for repeal of the public pledge to relocate outside the prefecture. I am profoundly depressed at the contrast. While clearly stating that relocation outside the prefecture is possible, the situation that Perry described as “a domestic problem in Japan” has not changed since ‘95. In the inspection of the Futenma problem during this period, it has become clear that Japan has nipped in the bud plans to relocate outside the prefecture or outside the country — plans which would fundamentally resolve the military burden on Okinawa.

Japan’s government should withdraw the Henoko relocation plan and listen sincerely to the United States’ argument, based on the popular will in Okinawa and changes in the strategic environment. If Japan’s government truly wishes for the sustainable development of Japan-U.S. relations, it should return to democratic principles and explore solutions with the U.S. for a return without relocating within the prefecture.

*Editor’s Note: This quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.


米国の新潮流 民主国家なら「脱辺野古」を

2013年11月24日

 「基地を移すことはできる。だがそれは日本国内の問題だ。安保体制は日本側の要請でもある」
 日米両政府が沖縄の過重な基地負担と初めて本格的に向き合ったのは1995年9月の不幸な事件の直後からだ。その翌月に来日したペリー米国防長官(当時)が在日米軍の抑止力の維持を前提に、基地の県外移設は可能だと明快に語っていたことを思い出す。
 あれから18年。米政府当局者やシンクタンク研究員として、沖縄の基地問題に深く関わってきたキャンベル前米国務次官補が本紙とのインタビューで、普天間飛行場の名護市辺野古移設問題に関し「さらに前に進もうとするのか、それとも異なる行動を模索するのか、考える局面にたどり着いている」と語った。
 仲井真弘多知事による辺野古埋め立て判断と名護市長選を念頭に置いた発言だ。対日政策のキーパーソンであり続ける第一人者が、沖縄の判断次第で別の選択肢を模索すべきだと示唆した事実を日米双方は重く受け止めるべきだろう。
 キャンベル氏は辺野古案を作り上げた当事者で、その後も計画に深く関与してきており、最近まで一貫して移設見直しに否定的だった。その第一人者をして、県内の状況を直視したときに、そう言わざるを得ないということだろう。
 国防費削減に伴う海兵隊削減、有事における役割の低下、中国の台頭をにらんだアジア太平洋地域への分散配置戦略と軍事技術の進歩。米議会や有識者から移設見直しに柔軟論が相次ぐ背景には、こうした環境の変化があるが、共通するのは「地元が反対する中、強行できない」という民主主義の原則に照らした冷静な判断であろう。
 一方で日本政府は「辺野古か普天間固定化か」と地元代議士を脅し、県外移設公約の撤回を迫る。落差に暗澹(あんたん)たる気持ちになる。県外移設は可能と明言しつつ「日本の国内問題だ」とペリー氏が注釈を加えた95年から状況は変化していない。沖縄の過重負担が抜本的に解消する県外・国外移設の芽を日本側が摘んできたことは、この間の普天間問題の検証でも明らかになっている。
 日本政府は辺野古移設計画を撤回し、沖縄の民意や戦略環境の変化を踏まえた米側の議論に真摯(しんし)に耳を傾けるべきだ。日米関係の持続的発展を真に願うなら、民主主義の原則に立ち返り、県内移設なき返還を米側と模索すべきだ。
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