Washington Doubts the Strength of Merkel's Leadership
In the U.S., Angela Merkel represents hope of understanding and perhaps negotiating with Putin, not restraining him. No article in the American opinion pages omits the federal chancellor's background in the German Democratic Republic as a Protestant minister's daughter or her knowledge of Russia. No leading U.S. politician can offer such expertise on Russia. No impression of Vladimir Putin has been more quoted than Merkel's statement that the Russian president is living in another world. But among the respectful opinions, particularly in conservative comments, can be found reactionary skepticism in relation to Berlin’s guidance capacity in a weak and chaotic Europe. Precisely because Merkel can read and decode Putin so well, apparently she will dither and show no severity with sanctions. The German dependence on Russian natural gas will soften any determination. London’s enormous dependence on Russian money and the hesitation of the British to punish Moscow and thereby cause pain to themselves is not criticized nearly as often.
Typical of the U.S. hard-liners is the columnist Charles Krauthammer, who suggests a whole package of American punitive actions in the Washington Post, including the deployment of warships in the Black Sea and more NATO maneuvers. In addition, Russia should be isolated, inter alia, by being throwing out of the G-8: "To assuage the tremulous Angela Merkel, we could do it by subtraction: All seven democracies withdraw from the G-8, then instantly reconstitute as the original G-7."
Krauthammer and Senator John McCain (R-Ariz.) accuse the federal chancellor of being just as weak as their own president, who hasn't managed a credible show of American strength, at the least, since his empty "red line" threat against Syria's Assad. Putin's muscular upper body is mentioned remarkably often—more admiring than scoffing, as if one secretly wishes for a bear instead of a gangly linnet in the White House. McCain has the problem that not even all of his own Republican Party colleagues are prepared to rubber stamp Barack Obama's billion dollar aid package for Ukraine. Some say that the credit warranty would strengthen Moscow, since Ukraine is highly indebted to the Russians. Others want to connect the package with a reform of the International Monetary Fund, which should give the U.S. more leeway in the IMF.
Leadership from Berlin? No chance.
The result is the now customary blockade of Congress—and, to a large extent, paralysis of U.S. foreign policy. McCain and seven other senators traveled to Ukraine. They will have trouble explaining American domestic policy.
Methodical, intelligent and reasonable are attributes which are associated with the federal chancellor in the U.S. The economic success of Germany also impresses all the critics of austerity. The dual education system, peaceful trade unions and strong manufacturing industry appeal to Americans, with some left-wing liberals seeing it as exemplary. However, nobody expects strong political leadership from Merkel within Europe.
Typical of the U.S. hard-liners is the columnist Charles Krauthammer, who suggests a whole package of American punitive actions in the Washington Post, including the deployment of warships in the Black Sea and more NATO maneuvers. In addition, Russia should be isolated, inter alia, by being throwing out of the G-8: "To assuage the tremulous Angela Merkel, we could do it by subtraction: All seven democracies withdraw from the G-8, then instantly reconstitute as the original G-7."
Krauthammer and Senator John McCain (R-Ariz.) accuse the federal chancellor of being just as weak as their own president, who hasn't managed a credible show of American strength, at the least, since his empty "red line" threat against Syria's Assad. Putin's muscular upper body is mentioned remarkably often—more admiring than scoffing, as if one secretly wishes for a bear instead of a gangly linnet in the White House. McCain has the problem that not even all of his own Republican Party colleagues are prepared to rubber stamp Barack Obama's billion dollar aid package for Ukraine. Some say that the credit warranty would strengthen Moscow, since Ukraine is highly indebted to the Russians. Others want to connect the package with a reform of the International Monetary Fund, which should give the U.S. more leeway in the IMF.
Leadership from Berlin? No chance.
The result is the now customary blockade of Congress—and, to a large extent, paralysis of U.S. foreign policy. McCain and seven other senators traveled to Ukraine. They will have trouble explaining American domestic policy.
Methodical, intelligent and reasonable are attributes which are associated with the federal chancellor in the U.S. The economic success of Germany also impresses all the critics of austerity. The dual education system, peaceful trade unions and strong manufacturing industry appeal to Americans, with some left-wing liberals seeing it as exemplary. However, nobody expects strong political leadership from Merkel within Europe.
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