Obama Gives His All before Term Ends

Published in China Review News
(Hong Kong) on 23 January 2015
by Qinzheng Xiao (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Anthony Chantavy. Edited by Danielle Tezcan.
In November 2014, President Obama stood his ground, using the power of his signature to prevent millions of illegal immigrants from being deported and acknowledging their right of abode. Reactions from within and outside of the United States toward this move have overall been positive. The House of Representatives overturned Obama’s plan on Jan. 14, 2015 with a 236 to 191 vote, as well as abolishing protection of child immigrants brought illegally to the U.S. The House has refused to allocate funds for Obama’s executive order, and the Senate is strongly against it, too. However, it will be difficult for Congress to change Obama’s decision, so there is a large chance of a fait accompli. Even though the U.S. Congress is already controlled by Republicans, Obama still has presidential veto power. This right to “act first and report later” could spread throughout Congress.

Especially in terms of diplomacy, after years of giving people an impression of indecisiveness, Obama has made a strategic decision. Between late 2014 and early 2015, U.S.-Cuba relations normalized. In 1962, President Kennedy signed Proclamation 3447, preventing Cuban products from entering the U.S. On Dec. 17, 2014, Obama issued a statement to ease sanctions on the Cuban economy. Afterward, Obama and Raul Castro, president of Cuba, separately announced the reestablishment of diplomatic relations and the release of Cuban spies. The U.S. acknowledges that Obama’s alleviation of tension with Cuba began 18 months ago.

On Jan. 12, 2015, an American official confirmed that Cuba has already released all of the 53 prisoners that it promised to the U.S. In response to Cuba’s good intentions, Obama will probably announce his decision to ease U.S.-Cuban trade and travel restrictions after a few days or weeks. Roberta Jacobson, assistant secretary of state in the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, was scheduled to have high-level talks with Cuba to negotiate issues such as investment and immigration in Havana from Jan. 21 to 22. Obama will discuss both America's easing tension with Cuba and its restored relations with China and Vietnam.

Of course, improvements in U.S.-Cuban relations are off to a good start, but they must progress gradually, for they will not recover so quickly. Both countries still face substantial problems. The U.S. is still uncertain of when its embassy in Cuba will reopen. One difficult problem that the countries’ negotiation has not at all covered is the future of the Guantanamo Bay Naval Base. Also, Cuba cannot completely change its social system and foreign policy because of its relationship with the U.S. The U.S. is aware that decades of mutual distrust will not disappear in one night, but can improve one step at a time, so it puts its hopes on continuing to open its Democracy PAC toward Cuba.

The public tends to believe that as Obama’s term reaches its end, he will overcome domestic and international restraints to achieve his goals with all his might, and that he will make breakthroughs in major diplomatic issues and leave behind a significant legacy. Similarly, former President Bill Clinton, also a Democrat, normalized relations with Vietnam in 1995 and established U.S.-Vietnam diplomacy in 1996. Between 1999 and 2000, before stepping down, Clinton and former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright even attempted to promote normalization with Iran and North Korea. Obama seems to follow Clinton’s thinking; before he steps down, he wants to improve relations not only with Cuba but also with Iran. By improving relations with Cuba, he has already surpassed Clinton.

After improving Cuban relations, Obama may still seek better relations with Iran. According to National Public Radio, on Dec. 29, 2014, Obama expressed that after Cuba, Iran could become the second country in his term to restore diplomatic relations with America. Obama urges Iran to grasp this opportunity, negotiate with the P5+1 (the U.S., the U.K., France, Russia, China and Germany) and repair its relations with the U.S. Obama believes that it is possible to reach an agreement, and this measure will ultimately relieve Iran of sanctions and put it back into the international community. This manner of speaking is in fact a good fit for Iran’s vision. Looking back, Obama did not just begin to work on Iranian relations; he has expressed this wish since his first term. Afterward, in March 2013, Obama utilized Iran’s celebration of Nowruz as an opportunity to call on Iran to respond to the international community's request and stop its nuclear plans.

From a realistic perspective, the U.S. is well aware of Iran’s nuclear power. The U.S. knows that while Iran undergoes sanctions and surveillance, it has no way of producing nuclear weaponry within a short time. Besides, Iran reiterates that its low-enriched uranium program is peaceful and not at all meant for nuclear weaponry. Iran often treats the nuclear issue like a bargaining chip in its diplomatic battle with the U.S.; it has actually wanted to get along with the U.S. for the past 20 years. On the day the U.S. decides to loosen its grip, it is very possible that Iran will never again haggle over the nuclear issue and it will never again be a problem. One could say that the key to repairing U.S.-Iran relations and truly solving the nuclear crisis is in America’s – and Obama's – hands. This decision may create major dissatisfaction in some opposing powers in America and the international community; however, if Obama is firm, they cannot stand in his way.

Of course, limited to the current political situation and other various factors, it is still difficult to judge whether Obama can take up Clinton’s courage to handle North Korea. In contrast to Cuba, on Jan. 2, the Obama administration criticized North Korea’s ruinous and forceful network attacks on Sony Pictures and may even add more sanctions to put extra pressure on North Korea. On Jan. 15, the Dong-A Ilbo reported that the U.S. government believes that expecting North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons on its own is a fantasy, so everything possible must be done to expand sanctions against North Korea. However, The New York Times points out that the symbolic meaning of Obama’s sanctions on North Korea obscures its real meaning. Like U.S.-Iran relations, the key to changing U.S.-North Korea relations is the U.S. government, which North Korea also awaits. Perhaps Obama should put this at the bottom of his to-do list.


中評社北京1月23日電(評論員 蕭琴箏)2014年11月,奧巴馬力排眾議,以總統簽署的行政命令方式,禁止將國內數百萬非法移民驅逐出境,實際承認他們的合法居留權。美國國內外對此舉評價總體積極。雖然美國眾議院2015年1月14日以236票對191票通過法案,推翻奧巴馬總統移民改革計劃的行政命令,並且廢除對被非法帶至美國的兒童移民的保護,拒絕為總統此項行政命令撥款。參議院也有強大反對聲音。但國會要改變奧巴馬的決定非常困難,最終既成事實的可能性極大。雖然美國參眾兩院已經均被共和黨控制,但這不妨礙奧巴馬作為總統享有對法案的否決權,這種先斬後奏的權力可以繞開國會而由總統施行。

特別是在外交方面,奧巴馬一改此前數年給人優柔寡斷的印象,拿出了戰略決斷。2014年底2015年初,美國與古巴的關係急速轉暖。1962年美國總統甘迺迪簽署了3447號法案,禁止古巴商品進入美國。而2014年12月17日,奧巴馬發表對古巴關係聲明,宣佈放鬆對古巴經濟的制裁。隨後,美國總統奧巴馬和古巴領導人卡斯楚分別講話,宣佈啟動兩國關係正常化進程。雙方首先釋放了幾名對方間諜。而美國方面承認,美國總統奧巴馬批准與古巴方面的緩和接觸已經長達18個月。

2015年1月12日,美國官員證實,古巴已經根據美古兩國約定釋放全部53名囚犯。針對古巴的善意,奧巴馬可能在“幾天或幾周後”宣佈決定開始放鬆對美古間貿易和通航的限制。美國國務院分管西半球事務的助理國務卿雅各森定於1月21日至22日在哈瓦那與古巴方面就投資和移民等議題舉行高級別談判。奧巴馬將與古巴關係緩和與當年和中國、越南恢復關係相提並論。

當然,美國與古巴關係的改善起步較好,但會逐步進行,不會一下子徹底好轉,雙方還面臨不少實質性問題。美國尚未確定何時重開駐古巴使館。雙方的談判並沒有涉及棘手問題之一,即古巴關塔那摩灣美國海軍基地將來地位問題。古巴更不會因為與美國建交而根本改變社會制度和對外政策。美國方面認識到“數十年來的互不信任不會一夜之間消失,但可以通過一步步改善關係來消除它”,寄希望於繼續開展針對古巴的所謂“民主計劃”。

輿論普遍認為,伴隨奧巴馬臨近結束總統任期,他正在超越國內外的羈絆,試圖建功立業、放手一搏,在內政外交尤其是重大外交問題上取得突破,留下重要執政遺產。同樣作為民主黨總統,美國前總統克林頓曾在1995年與宿敵越南實現關係正常化,並在1996年與越南建立外交關係。克林頓還試圖在1999-2000年下台前與當時的國務卿奧爾布賴特聯手,推動美國與伊朗、朝鮮實現關係正常化。而今,奧巴馬似乎要循著克林頓的思路,在卸任前不僅要改善與古巴的關係,還要試圖與伊朗改善關係。而與古巴改善關係已經超越了克林頓政府。

在與古巴改善關係之後,奧巴馬還可能尋求與伊朗改善關係。據美國全國公共廣播電台2014年12月29日報道,奧巴馬當天表示,繼古巴之後,伊朗可能會成為在其任期內第二個美國與之恢復外交關係的國家。奧巴馬敦促伊朗抓住機遇、通過談判與伊核問題六國(美國、英國、法國、俄羅斯、中國和德國)達成協議,進而改善與美國的關係。奧巴馬認為存在達成協議的可能,而此舉最終將使伊朗被解除制裁,進而重新融入國際社會。奧巴馬的這個說法,其實與伊朗的設想是吻合的。回溯起來,奧巴馬試圖改善與伊朗的關係並非始於今天,他在第一任總統任內就幾次表達緩和願望。之後的2013年3月,奧巴馬利用伊朗即將慶祝波斯曆法新年諾魯孜節的時機,對伊朗喊話,呼籲伊朗滿足國際社會的要求,限制其核計劃。

實事求是地看,美國對伊朗的核能力心知肚明。美國知道在飽受制裁和核查的情況下,伊朗短時間內無法造出核武器。何況伊朗也一再表明其低濃度鈾濃縮活動是要和平利用核能,並不是謀求研發核武器。更多的時候,伊朗是把所謂的核問題作為與美國進行外交鬥爭的籌碼,其實伊朗內心近20年來渴望與美國改善關係。一旦美國決定與伊朗緩和關係,伊朗不再拿出核問題進行討價還價的可能性是很大的,所謂核問題將不再是個問題。可以說,改善美國與伊朗關係、真正解決所謂伊朗核問題的鑰匙在美國手上,在奧巴馬手上。儘管這一決定可能讓美國國內一些反對勢力非常不滿,在國際社會讓以色列極度不滿。但是,如果奧巴馬執意如此,他們其實也阻止不了。

當然,囿於國內外時局和多種因素,奧巴馬在對朝鮮關係方面能否拿出克林頓政府當時的勇氣,現在還難以判斷。與改善古巴關係相反,奧巴馬政府1月2日批駁朝鮮此前對索尼影像娛樂公司發動“破壞性、強制性”的網路攻擊,暗示之後可能還會有追加制裁,繼續對朝鮮施壓。韓國《東亞日報》1月15日報道,美國政府認為“朝鮮主動放棄核武實際上屬於‘幻想’,將動員一切可能手段擴大對其制裁”。但美國媒體對此也有不同聲音,《紐約時報》指出奧巴馬制裁朝鮮的象徵意義大過實際意義。與美國伊朗關係類似,改善美朝關係關鍵取決於美國政府的決斷,朝鮮也是等待這一刻的。或許,奧巴馬要把這塊最難啃的硬骨頭放到最後一刻拍板。
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