Trump Wins Twice

Published in La Prensa
(Nicaragua) on 7 February 2020
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jane Vogel. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
Practically every political expert in the United States, those who know U.S. history and its constitutional processes, took it for granted that the Senate would not remove President Donald Trump from office, something his fierce adversaries from the Democratic Party were hoping for.

Since Trump’s Republican Party had the majority of seats and votes in the Senate, which is what it takes to decide whether or not to remove a sitting president, it was highly unlikely that they would approve his removal.

Also, the charges against President Trump were not sufficiently well founded. Even if he had committed an offense, it did not deserve the extreme penalty of removal from office. Anyone who has observed this process from an independent perspective, without passion or prejudice, could clearly see that the Democrats had a political motive in their indictment: to remove Trump so that he could not be reelected to a second term and, in any case, discredit him politically and undermine his candidacy.

However, the leaders of the Democratic Party risked facing a boomerang effect with this venture. In other words, if they failed it would backfire, which is what indeed happened.

Trump emerged victorious from his impeachment trial and, at the same time, out front in the polls since his political image was strengthened and, therefore, so were his chances of reelection in November. Thanks to the failed process of removal, Trump gained 10 points in popularity, according to a Gallup poll survey. Almost half the population, 49%, supports him after this trial.

In January 2012, the year of his reelection, Gallup recorded a 42% approval rating for President Barack Obama, with 8% undecided. Trump, on the other hand, not only has 49% approval but also barely 1% undecided. Given those statistics, experts say that it is almost impossible that Trump would not win reelection in November.

However, the lesson from the failed impeachment process goes beyond the election itself. What is really most important is that U.S. democracy proved its strength, flexibility and stability.

It demonstrated that, within U.S. democracy, even the highest government official can be accused before the relevant political and judicial bodies,* even to the point of demanding removal of the president in accordance with the Constitution, without anyone − unless they are an extremist or a fool − being able to call this an attempted coup.

The worst consequences would be incidental. For example, the accused president would refuse to shake hands with his implacable accuser and she would tear up his speech. This is what happened on the night of Jan. 3,** when Trump gave his State of the Union speech before the U.S. Congress.

*Editor's note: The U.S. Constitution provides that a president can be impeached by the House of Representatives and removed from office by the Senate.

**Translator’s note: The State of the Union speech was given on Feb. 4, 2020.


Prácticamente todos los expertos en la política de Estados Unidos (EE.UU), conocedores de su historia y su proceso constitucional, daban como un hecho que el presidente Donald Trump no sería destituido por el Senado, como lo pretendían sus encarnizados adversarios del Partido Demócrata.
Teniendo el Partido Republicano del presidente Trump la mayoría de escaños y votos en el Senado, al que le corresponde decidir si se destituye a un presidente en ejercicio, o no, era bastante improbable que se aceptara la propuesta de destitución.
Además, las acusaciones contra el presidente Trump no fueron suficientemente fundadas. Y si cometió alguna falta, no ameritaba la sanción extrema de la destitución del cargo presidencial. Cualquiera que haya observado el proceso con criterio independiente y sin apasionamiento ni prejuicios, podía ver claramente que la acusación del Partido Demócrata tenía un fin electoralista: destituir a Trump a fin de que no pudiese ser reelegido para un segundo mandato, y en todo caso, desacreditarlo políticamente y minar su candidatura.
Pero con esa aventura los líderes del Partido Demócrata se arriesgaron a que su estrategia contra Trump se convirtiera en un bumerán, es decir, que al fracasar se volviera contra ellos mismos como en efecto sucedió.
Trump salió victorioso del proceso de destitución y al mismo tiempo vencedor en su liderazgo nacional, pues se fortaleció su imagen política pública y por tanto su aspiración a la reelección en noviembre. Gracias al fracasado proceso de destitución Trump aumentó en 10 puntos su popularidad, según la firma encuestadora Gallup. El 49 por ciento de la población, casi la mitad, lo respalda después de dicho proceso.
Gallup ha recordado que en enero de 2012, el año de su reelección presidencial, el presidente Barack Obama tenía 42 por ciento de respaldo y 8 por ciento de indecisos. Trump, en cambio, tiene ahora la ya mencionada cifra de 49 por ciento de respaldo y apenas el 1 por ciento de indecisos. Con esas cifras, dicen los expertos, es casi imposible que Trump no sea reelegido en noviembre.
Pero la enseñanza del fracasado proceso de destitución del presidente Donald Trump va más allá de lo propiamente electoral. Lo más importante en realidad es que la democracia de EE. UU. probó una vez más su fortaleza, flexibilidad y sostenibilidad.
Demostró que en la democracia estadounidense hasta el más encumbrado funcionario público puede ser acusado ante las instancias políticas y judiciales correspondientes, inclusive se puede demandar la destitución del presidente de la República de acuerdo con las normas constitucionales, sin que nadie –a menos que sea un despistado o un extremista–, pueda decir que se trata de un intento de golpe de Estado.
La única o la mayor consecuencia que una acusación como esa podría tener, es anecdótica. Como que el presidente acusado se negara a estrechar la mano de su implacable acusadora, y que esta rompiera los papeles con el discurso presidencial. Eso fue lo que ocurrió la noche del martes 3 de enero, cuando Trump presentó su mensaje a la Nación ante el Congreso de los EE. UU.
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