Fortunately, Donald Trump's irresponsible management of the pandemic, as well as lessons learned by the Democratic Party from the 2016 defeat, promise a major victory for Joe Biden and Kamala Harris.
No, I am not exaggerating. In the 21st century, fascist populism and tyrannical authoritarianism do not have to have the same trappings or take the same form they did in Nazi Germany or Mussolini's Italy. It is enough that they are both guided by the pursuit of an individual. And that, when confronted by the self-proclaimed grandiosity of that quest, liberal democracy becomes a hindrance that must be weakened and eventually destroyed. They do not necessarily look to eliminate the Jewish race, although there are growing signs of anti-Semitism in the United States and even in our country. This time it may be women who are to be subjugated, humiliated and have their rights curtailed — or Mexicans or Blacks or "others.”
In January 1933, following the election success of his National Socialist Party, Adolf Hitler consolidated his power as chancellor. In March, he gained approval for a law that repealed the separation of powers, thereby giving him the authority to pass laws without legislative approval.
The election of Donald Trump in 2016 — despite the disaster his administration has been — had and has even now the virtue of providing an X-ray of the framework that sustains American democracy and shows its weaknesses.
In his magnificent book, "On Tyranny," Timothy Snyder analyzes the written and especially the unwritten agreements upon which American democracy is based, and how the Republican Party, especially from 1994-1995 onward, ignored and violated informal agreements, the “guardrails” or democratic limits to which both parties adhere, and built an ultramilitant right-leaning movement — until Trump's unexpected victory in 2016.
Fortunately, the pandemic and Trump's irresponsible management of it, as well as lessons learned by the Democratic Party from the 2016 defeat, promise a major victory for Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. Additionally, it signals that they will maintain a majority in the House of Representatives and will likely gain a majority in the Senate, no telling how strong. But had it not been for the pandemic, this election could have been the 1933 of American democracy. Once winning reelection is no longer a concern, a second Trump presidency would not hesitate to accelerate its destructive agenda.
From this perspective, I think about the importance of a resounding defeat for the Trump administration. Ironically, it can be a major victory in terms of strengthening the democratic project internationally at a time when not all the cards will be played in Mexico's favor.
I don't mean that Biden is going to take revenge for the open support that the current Mexican government gave Trump's reelection; faced with the challenges that the next president faces, I can't imagine such pettiness coming from him. And as for the top Mexican officials and businesspeople who supported Trump, I think the eternal shame for those who attended an infamous dinner at the White House is sufficient punishment.
Trump's defeat will be good for the world, but we will have to make use of all the diplomatic skills amassed inside and outside the government to prevent certain aspects of the trade and fiscal policy announced by Biden's campaign from hurting Mexico.
In his Buy America fact sheet, Biden's campaign announced a 30.8% tax on the profits of U.S. companies producing outside the U.S. This tax will also apply to call centers or services of U.S. companies located abroad but which are providing service in the U.S., something not very different from what Trump initially announced. Biden also announced penalties and regulations for companies that invest outside the U.S. and will deny tax deductions to companies that create jobs outside the U.S.
How much of this contradicts the agreements contained in the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, which is already difficult for Mexico, and how much of it is campaign rhetoric? We don't know, but we will soon. And we will also know whether the 2021 budget will take into account these enormous difficulties for the most dynamic sector of the economy or, as has been the case, will be blind to reality.
No, no exagero. En el siglo 21, el populismo fascista y el autoritarismo tiránico no tienen por qué tener la misma escenografía ni las mismas modalidades que tuvieron en la Alemania nazi ni en la Italia de Mussolini. Basta que compartan el principio de que el proyecto que persiguen se encarna en un individuo y que frente a la autoproclamada grandiosidad del proyecto, la democracia liberal resulte un estorbo al que hay que debilitar y, eventualmente, destruir. No necesariamente buscan eliminar a la raza judía, aunque crecientemente hay señales de antisemitismo en Estados Unidos e incluso en nuestro país. Ahora pueden ser las mujeres a las que hay que someter, humillar y recortar derechos o los mexicanos o los negros o los “otros”.
En enero de 1933, tras el triunfo electoral de su partido Nacional Socialista, Adolfo Hitler consolidó su poder como canciller y en marzo logró la aprobación de una ley que abrogaba la separación de poderes, lo que le dio el poder de aprobar leyes sin que pasaran por el parlamento. La elección de Donald Trump en 2016, con todo y lo desastroso que ha sido su gobierno, tuvo y tiene la virtud de hacer una radiografía del entramado que sostiene la democracia norteamericana y mostrar sus puntos débiles.
En su magnífico libro Sobre la tiranía, Timothy Snyder analiza los acuerdos escritos y especialmente los no escritos en los que está basada la democracia americana y cómo el Partido Republicano, especialmente a partir de 1994-1995, ignora y viola los acuerdos informales, los llamados “pasamanos” o límites democráticos a los que se atuvieron ambos partidos y construye un movimiento de derecha ultramilitante hasta llegar al inesperado triunfo de Donald Trump en 2016.
Afortunadamente, la pandemia y el manejo irresponsable de Trump, así como el aprendizaje del Partido Demócrata de las lecciones de la derrota de 2016, auguran una gran victoria para la candidatura de Joe Biden a la Presidencia y de Kamala Harris a la Vicepresidencia; asimismo, se augura que mantendrán la mayoría en la Cámara de Representantes y probablemente obtendrán también una mayoría en el Senado, no se sabe qué tan robusta. Pero, sin la pandemia, estas elecciones pudieron haber sido el 1933 de la democracia americana. Sin la perspectiva de tener que ganar una reelección, una segunda presidencia de Trump no tendría remilgos en avanzar aceleradamente en su proyecto destructor.
Es con esta perspectiva que pienso en la importancia de una derrota contundente del gobierno de Trump. Irónicamente puede ser una gran victoria para fortalecer internacionalmente el proyecto democrático al tiempo en que no todas las cartas jugarán a favor de México. No me refiero a que Joe Biden vaya a vengarse del abierto apoyo que el actual gobierno mexicano dio a la reelección trumpiana; frente a los retos que enfrenta el próximo presidente, no imagino en él tal mezquindad. Y en cuanto a los altos funcionarios y empresarios mexicanos que apoyaron a Trump, pienso que la vergüenza eterna de los asistentes a la infame cena en la Casa Blanca es suficiente castigo para ellos.
La derrota de Trump será positiva para el mundo, pero nosotros tendremos que hacer uso de todas las artes diplomáticas acumuladas dentro y fuera del gobierno para impedir que ciertos aspectos de la política comercial y fiscal anunciadas por la campaña de Joe Biden nos sean lesivos. En su Buy America Fact Sheet, la campaña de Biden anuncia un impuesto de 30.8% a las ganancias de compañías norteamericanas que produzcan fuera de EU. “Este impuesto también se aplicará a call centers o servicios de compañías americanas ubicadas en el extranjero, pero dando servicio en EU”, algo no muy diferente a lo anunciado inicialmente por Trump. Biden también anunció penalidades y regulaciones para compañías que inviertan fuera de Estados Unidos y negará deducciones fiscales a compañías que creen empleos fuera de EU.
¿Qué tanto de esto contraviene los acuerdos contenidos en el T-MEC, ya de por sí difícil para México? ¿Qué tanto se trata de retórica electoral? No lo sabemos, pero lo sabremos pronto. Y también sabremos si el Presupuesto 2021 tomará en cuenta estas enormes dificultades para el sector más dinámico de la economía o, como ha venido sucediendo, será ciego a la realidad.
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It wouldn’t have cost Trump anything to show a clear intent to deter in a strategically crucial moment; it wouldn’t even have undermined his efforts in Ukraine.
It wouldn’t have cost Trump anything to show a clear intent to deter in a strategically crucial moment; it wouldn’t even have undermined his efforts in Ukraine.
It wouldn’t have cost Trump anything to show a clear intent to deter in a strategically crucial moment; it wouldn’t even have undermined his efforts in Ukraine.