US-Russian Leadership Summit: Touting the Pride of Superpowers

Published in Asahi Shimbun
(Japan) on 20 June 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Dorothy Phoenix. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
A "relationship between two powerful and proud countries" were the words spoken by U.S. President Joe Biden to Russian President Vladimir Putin.

We must wonder: Did the pride of two superpowers divide the world in two after World War II? If it is that sort of leadership consciousness, we hope that it will bring about cooperation that will benefit the entire international community.

The first face-to-face U.S.-Russian leadership summit meeting since the start of the Biden administration was held in Switzerland. If we consider that present conditions between the nations are the worst since the end of the Cold War, we ought to appreciate the fact that direct talks even happened.

However, these talks are only a starting point. Mutual challenges continue to pile up. Both leaders must be aware of their heavy responsibilities as nuclear superpowers, and must aim for definite progress.

A brief joint statement released after the summit declared that "a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought." A 1985 consensus between President Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev, general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, included the same words.

The meaning of these words is significant, for they express a reaffirmation of a resolution not to return to a time when the world lived in fear of nuclear war.

The biggest challenge in future discussions between the two nations after reaching this consensus is arms control. This year, the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty was extended for five years just before it expired; except for that treaty, no further agreements have been decided.

In order to put the brakes on an emerging China's arms expansion, the U.S. and Russia, which both possess overwhelming nuclear power, must take the initiative in disarmament talks and draw up a comprehensive framework that includes China.

The issue is not just nuclear weapons; the U.S. and Russia are the world's two largest exporters of weapons as a whole. They bear the responsibility of worldwide national security in the space and cyber realms, and there are many urgent diplomatic problems, such as the Syrian humanitarian crisis and the Iranian nuclear problem, that require coordination and compromise.

Yet the layers of mutual distrust between the nations is deeply ingrained.

On one side, the U.S. has spearheaded sanctions against Russia for not adhering to the rule of law. On the other, Russia conspired to split U.S. relationships with its allies.

In both countries, hostile domestic public opinion and political conduct toward the other side has strengthened, and the pipeline of dialogue between the two countries has been said to be at its "lowest ebb since the Cold War."

Biden might be bearing in mind the lesson that former U.S. attempts to democratize Russia invited Putin's suspicion.

The Biden administration is making the rivalry with China its first priority. The more conciliatory approach to Russia may be an attempt to ward off a conflict on two fronts. But conversely, in addition to Putin's antagonism toward the U.S., Putin emphasizes the importance of Russia's cooperative link with China against the U.S. From this point on, the outcome of the bargaining between the two is difficult to predict.

It is understandable that while Russia denies all culpability for human rights violations and cyberattacks, Biden calls for a "relationship that has to be stable and predictable" between the U.S. and Russia. As long as that relationship between the two is turbulent, global stability cannot be envisioned. We hope to see progress with further constructive dialogue.


米ロ首脳会談 大国の誇り掲げるなら

「力強く、誇り高い2国の関係」。米大統領はロシア大統領に、そう語りかけたという。

 大戦後の世界を二分した大国同士というプライドだろうか。そんな指導者意識があるなら、国際社会全体の利益をもたらす協調をみせてもらいたい。

 バイデン政権発足後で初の対面による米ロ首脳会談が、スイスであった。冷戦後で最悪といわれる現況を考えれば、直接会談が実現しただけでも評価すべきだろう。

 だが、これはスタート地点にすぎない。共通の課題は山積している。両首脳は、核大国としての重責を自覚し、具体的な進展をめざさねばならない。

 会談後に出した短い共同声明は「核戦争に勝者はなく、決して戦われてはならない」と表明した。1985年のレーガン大統領とソ連のゴルバチョフ書記長による合意と同じ文面だ。

 世界が核戦争の恐怖におびえた時代には戻さないという決意を再確認した意味は重い。

 合意された今後の二国間協議で最大の課題は、軍備管理だ。核軍縮をめぐる新戦略兵器削減条約は今年の失効直前に5年間延長されたが、それ以外の取り決めはないままだ。

 台頭する中国の軍拡にブレーキをかけるには、圧倒的な核戦力を抱える米ロが軍縮交渉を率先し、中国を含む包括的な枠組みをつくる必要がある。

 米ロは核だけでなく、兵器市場全般で世界の2大輸出国だ。宇宙やサイバー空間を含む国際安全保障で責任を負うほか、シリアの人道危機やイランの核問題など喫緊の外交課題でも調整と妥協が不可欠な問題が多い。

 だが依然として、互いに積み重なった不信感は根深い。

 法の支配を顧みないロシアに対し米国は国際的な制裁を主導する一方、ロシアは米国の同盟関係の切り崩しを図ってきた。

 双方の国内で敵対的な世論や政治行動が強まり、対話のパイプは「ソ連時代よりも細っている」ともいわれる。

 バイデン氏の脳裏には、かつて米国がロシアの民主化を働きかけた動きがプーチン氏の猜疑心(さいぎしん)を招いた教訓もあろう。

 バイデン政権は中国との競合を最優先課題にしている。二正面の争いを避けたいがゆえのロシアへの秋波だが、逆にプーチン氏は米国への対抗上、中国との連携を最重視する。今後の駆け引きは予断を許さない。

 ロシアが人権弾圧でもサイバー攻撃でも非を一切認めないなかで、バイデン氏が「安定的で予見可能な関係」を掲げるのは理解できる。両国関係がいつも波乱含みでは、世界の安定は見通せない。さらなる対話を建設的に進めるよう望む。
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