Sharpening of South Korea-US Conflict: Bosom Buddies but Strange Bedfellows

Published in Takungpao
(Hong Kong) on 8 September 2022
by Song Luzheng (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew McKay. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
Last month, Nancy Pelosi, the No. 3 political figure in the U.S. and speaker of the House of Representatives, visited East Asia. On arriving in the U.S.-allied country of South Korea, however, she received an unexpectedly frosty reception. Citing a planned summer vacation, President Yoon Suk-yeol declined to meet the speaker of the House, and in fact, this accurately reflects the relationship between South Korea and the U.S.

The U.S. was the first country to establish diplomatic relations with the Republic of Korea, and in the wake of the Korean War, the two sides also signed the U.S.-South Korea Mutual Defense Treaty. However, behind the facade of dignified diplomacy, there have been sharp conflicts between the U.S. and South Korea all along.

South Korean Interests Repeatedly Sacrificed by the US

First, South Korea and the U.S. have different security strategies, but the U.S. continuously demands that South Korea unilaterally sacrifice its interests to suit American needs.

As is well known, national security is the highest priority of any country, surpassing other issues such as the economy. And it is on this point that there are irreconcilable differences between South Korea and the U.S. Simply put, there are two main threats to South Korea’s security. One is North Korea, with whom there are intractable differences regarding which side will unify the nation. The second, geopolitically, is Japan, which is the biggest threat to South Korea. Japan has not just been a brutal colonizer of South Korea in the past, it also maintains an ambiguous stance on historical issues and is unwilling to admit its guilt, repeatedly denying involvement in the criminal treatment of “comfort women.” This has led to repeated, large-scale anti-Japanese movements in South Korea, to say nothing of the existing territorial disputes between the two countries.

China's presence is needed In both of these major security challenges. Not only is China the only country that can influence North Korea, but it also faces geopolitical challenges from Japan. Since the end of the Cold War, though, the U.S. has regarded China as its main security challenge, and this is why it both opposes the friendship between China and South Korea and actively supports Japan. As far as South Korea is concerned, the U.S. is a non-Asian country and will certainly end up withdrawing in future in much the same way Britain, France and Germany did. China, however, is a permanent neighbor, and in the long run, its importance will supersede that of the U.S. American policy has thus seriously harmed South Korean interests.

Second, there is the economic conflict between the two sides, which can be broken down into several parts.

First, China has long been the most important factor in South Korea’s economic growth since diplomatic relations were established between the two countries. In 2003, China overtook the U.S. to become South Korea’s largest export market. Currently, China is South Korea’s No. 1 trading partner, export market and source of imports. More importantly, South Korea’s trade surplus with China is in excess of $60 billion. The China-South Korea Free Trade Agreement came into effect on Dec. 20, 2015, but South Korea’s economy has been harmed by American moves to undermine Chinese-Korean relations along with trade and technology wars against China and in violation of World Trade Organization principles. The U.S. is evidently stirring up trouble in pursuit of its own strategic interests, but South Korea is bearing the consequences.

Secondly, the U.S. has often used its position as a great power to seek undue economic benefits — even at the expense of the health of the Korean people — such as with the infamous U.S.-South Korea beef dispute. In December 2003, South Korea announced a total ban on imports of American beef because of the outbreak of mad cow disease in the U.S. This was a perfectly normal act by a sovereign state in line with international law, but the U.S. used the start of negotiations on a free trade agreement between itself and South Korea in January 2006 as a bargaining chip, forcing South Korea to resume imports of American beef and sparking nationwide protests. On June 10, 2008, millions of candle-bearing South Koreans rallied in the streets of the capital, Seoul, and the result was political turmoil, with then-Prime Minister Han Seung-soo leading a mass resignation of his Cabinet.

Similar incidents concerning such inequality abound. On Jan. 23, 2018, President Donald Trump announced steep protective tariffs on washing machines and solar panels imported from South Korean companies such as Samsung and LG. South Korea, a weak country, had no choice but to submit to the humiliation.

Third, there is the cost of American troops in South Korea, where they have been stationed for 70 years. In order to address the issue of shared military expenses for these troops, South Korea and the U.S. signed Special Measures Agreements, or SMAs, on military cost-sharing beginning in 1991, but Korea's costs have grown increasingly higher. After Trump took office, he demanded that South Korea shoulder the entire $5 billion military expenditure of the U.S. forces stationed there, an amount equivalent to South Korea’s annual defense budget and completely beyond the country’s capacity. Trump later backed down and asked for a year-on-year increase of 50%, which was likewise unaffordable. The cost of the U.S. military presence in South Korea has become an increasingly heavy burden on the South Korea's economic development.

Fourth, the U.S. has repeatedly humiliated South Korea and insulted its people. Examples include the frequent atrocities committed by the U.S. military and the ways that the U.S. has favored Japan.

South Korea's painful colonial history has resulted in pronounced but sensitive nationalist sentiment and a strong sense of national pride. The U.S. military is a foreign, occupying force, and although South Korea has no choice but to accept it, atrocities committed by the U.S. military there often touch a very raw nerve. For example, on June 13, 2002, two female high school students were struck and killed by a U.S. Army armored vehicle. After the incident, not only did the U.S. military refuse to hand the perpetrators over to South Korea’s Ministry of Justice, but the members of the military were both eventually acquitted by a U.S. military tribunal, triggering waves of anti-American protests across South Korea.

Favoring Japan To Thwart Korean North-South Reunification

Another thorn in South Korea’s side is the repeated favoritism the U.S. has shown to Japan. In 2019, for instance, South Korea conducted military drills around the Liancourt Rocks in the Sea of Japan, midway between Japan and South Korea, to guard its sovereignty and territory. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, however, was openly critical of South Korea. And in 2016, a map was posted to the website of the U.S. embassy in South Korea, titled “My Travel Map in Korea,” which displayed seven places visited by U.S. Ambassador to South Korea Mark Lippert. The map showed the Korean island of Ulleungdo in the upper right corner, but the Liancourt Rocks, which South Korea claims as an intrinsic part of its territory, was omitted. On top of that, the East Sea, where the Liancourt Rocks are located, was labeled the “Sea of Japan.”*

Because of its colonial past, U.S’ favoritism toward Japan in the South Korea-Japan conflict, particularly in matters of sovereignty, is especially unacceptable to Korean society. Such damage accumulates over time and sooner or later will reach an inflection point.

Fifth, the Korean peninsula, suffering under partition, aspires to unification. This is South Korea’s highest national strategic interest as well, but it is not one that enjoys support from the U.S., owing to America's self-interested demands. If the Korean Peninsula were to be reunified, then the raison d’être behind the United States' continued military presence in South Korea would evaporate along with the rationale for ordering Japan around, using the so-called North Korean threat as a pretext. This would be tantamount to the U.S. losing its foothold in East Asia. Moreover, the U.S. is acutely aware that a reunified Korean Peninsula may not necessarily be pro-American, owing to the conflict between South Korea and the U.S. The conflict between the peninsula and Japan will become the priority, and Korea may instead join forces with China so it can face up to Japan. With its strong nationalist sentiment, the Korean Peninsula may not be as subservient to the U.S. as it is now, to say nothing of the fact that North Korea still possesses nuclear weapons. A strong, nuclear-armed Korean peninsula that is not pro-American is a prospect that would be utterly unacceptable to the U.S., so the only thing for it is to keep the Korean Peninsula divided.

One might say that for historical and practical reasons, South Korea has no choice but to rely on the U.S. to safeguard its security. But in reality, the asymmetrical relationship between the two is characterized by contradiction and confrontation. The security guarantee from the U.S. is only temporary while the contradictions are constant. It is only a matter of time before the relationship between South Korea and the U.S. reveals its fundamental nature.

The author is a political scientist based in Paris, France, and a researcher with Fudan University’s China Institute in Shanghai.

*Translator's Note: The Liancourt Rocks are referred to in South Korea as “Dokdo” (the “Solitary Islands”) and in Japan as “Takeshima” (the “Bamboo Islands”). The Sea of Japan is referred to in Japanese by that same name, but in South Korea, it is known as “Donghae” (the “East Sea”). The choice of toponym is a politically sensitive matter, as is any omission or exclusion of disputed territory on maps or charts.


美国三号政治人物、国会众议长佩洛西上月出访东亚,抵达盟国韩国时却意外碰到冷遇,总统尹锡悦以休假为名拒不接见。这其实是韩美同盟关系的真实写照。

虽然美国是第一个与大韩民国建交的国家,朝鲜战争后,双方还签署了《美韩共同防御条约》,然而光鲜外交表面的背后,韩美矛盾其实一直非常尖锐。

美屡屡牺牲韩国利益

第一,韩国和美国的安全战略不同,但美国一直要求韩国单方面牺牲自己的利益以配合美国的需要。

众所周知,国家安全都是任何国家的最高利益,超过经济等任何因素。而正是在这一点上,韩美之间有不可调和的矛盾。简单讲,韩国安全的威胁主要有二。一是朝鲜。双方在由谁统一国家上存在很难化解的分歧。二是从地缘政治上,日本是韩国最大的威胁。日本不仅历史上对韩国残酷殖民,而且对历史问题立场暧昧,不愿认罪,特别是一再否认慰安妇罪行,令韩国屡屡发生大规模反日运动。除了历史问题,韩日还存在领土争端。

这两大安全诉求,都需要中国。中国不仅是唯一能够影响朝鲜的国家,而且对日也面临地缘政治挑战。但是冷战后,美国却认为中国是主要的安全挑战。为此不但反对中韩友好,还积极支持日本。对于韩国来讲,美国不是亚洲国家,将来也一定会和当年的英法德一样离开。但中国却是永远的邻居。从长期来看,中国的重要性要超过美国。因此美国的政策严重损害了韩国的利益。

第二,则是双方经济层面的矛盾。这有几个层次。

一是中韩建交后,中国长期是韩国经济增长最重要的因素。自2003年开始,中国超越美国成为韩国最大的出口市场。目前,中国已是韩国的第一大贸易伙伴、第一大出口市场和第一大进口来源国,更重要的是韩国对华贸易顺差超过600亿美元。中韩自贸协定也于2015年12月20日起实施。但是美国破坏中韩关系的举措、违背世贸组织原则对华进行贸易战、科技战等,都对韩国的经济造成了损害。这明明是美国出于自己的战略利益而制造事端,但承担后果的却是韩国。

二是美国利用自己的大国地位,经常谋取不正当经济利益,甚至不惜损害韩国民众健康,例如著名的美韩牛肉争端。2003年12月,韩国因美国发生疯牛症而宣布全面禁止进口美国牛肉。这本是一个主权国家根据国际规则非常正常的行为,但美国利用将于2006年1月双方启动自由贸易协定谈判为筹码,迫使韩国恢复进口美国牛肉,这引发了韩国举国抗议。2008年6月10日,上百万手持蜡烛的韩国民众在首都首尔街头集会,其后果是政局动荡,时任总理韩昇洙带领内阁集体递交辞呈。

类似的不平等事件很多。2018年1月23日,美国总统特朗普宣布对从韩国三星、LG等公司进口的洗衣机、太阳能板征收高额保护性关税。国力弱小的韩国只能忍气吞声。

三是驻韩美军的费用。美国驻军韩国已经有70年之久。为了解决韩美两国分担驻韩美军军费问题,双方自1991年起签订驻韩美军《防卫费分担特别协定》,但韩国承担的费用越来越高。特朗普上台后,要求韩国承担驻韩美军全部50亿美元的军费开支,这相当于韩国一年的国防预算,完全超出了承受能力。特朗普后来做了让步,要求每年增长50%。韩国也无法承担。驻韩美军的费用已经成为韩国经济发展日益沉重的负担。

第三,美国屡屡伤害、羞辱韩国人民的感情。如频发的美军暴行、美国偏袒日本等。

韩国由于惨痛的殖民历史,因此民族主义情绪强烈而敏感,民族自尊心强烈。美军是外国占领军,虽然韩国不得不接受,但美军的暴行往往触及韩国最脆弱和敏感的神经。比如2002年6月13日,驻韩美军装甲车在公路上辗死了两名女中学生。事发后美军不但拒绝向韩国法务部移交肇事人士,最终美军法庭更判处两名肇事者无罪,触发韩国各地的反美抗议浪潮。

偏袒日本阻挠朝韩统一

另一个刺激韩国和伤害其感情的则是美国对日本的一再偏袒。比如2019年韩国在独岛进行军演,捍卫主权。时任美国国务卿蓬佩奥却公开批评韩国。2016年美国驻韩国大使馆网站在一幅名为“我的韩国旅游地图”中,标示了时任美国驻韩大使李模楷游览过的7个地方,地图右上角绘有鬱陵岛,但唯独漏掉附近韩国所称的固有领土“独岛”,而且独岛所在的“东海”竟被标作“日本海”。

由于殖民历史,美国在韩日冲突特别是涉及主权问题偏袒日本的行为尤其令韩国社会无法接受,这种伤害会日积月累,早晚会来到临界点。

第四,朝鲜半岛饱受国家分离之苦,无不渴望统一,这也是韩国的最高国家战略利益。但美国出于自身利益需要却并不支持。假如朝鲜半岛统一,美国继续在韩国驻军的理由就不存在了,以所谓朝鲜威胁号令日本的理由也消失了。这等于美国在东亚失去了立足点。而且美国也深知,由于韩美矛盾,统一后的朝鲜半岛未必亲美,它和日本的矛盾会上升为首位,反而有可能和中国联手面对。民族主义情绪强烈的朝鲜半岛也未必像现在这样不得不对美国服从,更何况朝鲜还拥有核武器。一个强大、拥有核武器、又不亲美的朝鲜半岛是美国绝不可能接受的。所以唯一的办法就是维持朝鲜半岛的分裂。

可以说,由于历史和现实原因,韩国不得不依赖美国提供安全保障,但双方不平等的关系实际充满了矛盾和对立。美国的安全保障只是暂时的,但矛盾却是恒久的。韩美关系早晚会显示出这一本质。

旅法政治学者、复旦大学中国研究院研究员
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