America Needs to Take the First Step Back
Disagreements on the relocation plan of the Futenma Air Station, which was returned to Japan in 1996, have impaired the progress of relations between Japan and the United States in this critical time of their alliance. Though both countries are insistent on advancing their claims, Japan and the United States are defending vastly different interests in terms of its significance.
The Democratic Party of Japan evidently pictures the relocation of American troops in Okinawa as an icebreaker to more extensive adjustment of the Japan-United States alliance. The Democratic Party has always stressed “equality” between Japan and United States within its idea of an equal trilateral diplomatic framework, which also includes China. For Japan to maintain healthy relations with neighboring countries in the context of the economic and political rise of Asia, a critical review of its alliance with America is much needed.
The post-WWII Japan-U.S. alliance defined the political agenda of East Asia. Although it once factored immensely in the ensuing recovery of Japan, it now undoubtedly poses significant impedance to Japan’s diplomatic independence and its ability to construct effective ties with other Asian nations. The post-war alliance, characterized by Japan’s subordination to America, faces many challenges in today’s world of profound political and economic change.
In fact, the Japanese realized the imbalance of the alliance thwarted its diplomatic independence and autonomy back in the 1980s, when Japan had just become the world’s second largest economy. This realization was reflected in the Japanese National Reform Plan, written by Democratic Party Secretary Ichiro Kozawa, in which he advocated “normalization” and augmentation of political influence for Japan as a nation. To achieve its goal of becoming a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, Japan needs the support of Asian countries, and of China in particular. Under such circumstances, the Japan-U.S. alliance is unquestionably an obstacle to meeting Japan’s political objectives.
With the Democratic Party in power and international affairs centering more in Asia, right now is the ideal time for Japan to adjust its relations with America, establish firmer ties with Asian countries, ultimately achieve its goals of “normalization” as a nation and remove all hindrance to the realization of its political aims. The Democratic Party of Japan has every reason to hold firm ground in negotiations regarding the relocation of American military bases in Okinawa, as the outcome not only reflects the likelihood of the success of the party’s overall political objectives, but also impacts Japan’s ties with other Asian countries, and China in particular.
In addition, the foundation of the current executive alliance in Japan, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, along with the Democratic Party, is responsible for settling the relocation issue, as it was one of his election promises. In a press conference held earlier in the month, Mizuho Fukushima, leader of the Japanese Social Democratic Party, warned Prime Minister Hatoyama that he and his administration had better keep his election promises or the executive alliance could dissolve. The House of Councillors elections scheduled for 2011 are also crucial for ensuring democratic governing power, as the party must secure more than 50 percent of the house seats. Domestic and party complexities form another important element of the Japanese government’s attitude in the relocation negotiations.
For America, however, the negotiations won’t touch on fundamental national interests. At worst, failure could weaken American military presence in the West Pacific region or impact its overall position of power in the area, but even then America’s influence in Asia would remain substantial and its global military strategy would remain in tact. Even if all American forces were evacuated from Japan, U.S. troops in South Korea, the Philippines and Guam provide more than enough assurance for American strategic plans in the West Pacific region. That said, such an evacuation might not happen at all, as the Japanese government only wants to replace previous deals made by the LDP with new ones. The Marines may not need to leave Japan, and perhaps not even Okinawa.
Taking things a step further, it has become inevitable that the Japan-U.S. alliance should undergo adjustment and transformation. Asia is the rising new power, and both Japan and America need to respond to that by adapting their alliance to fit the change; this alliance weighs heavily on how influential both Japan and America can be in Asia.
Under such circumstances, assuming the United States wants to keep its alliance with Japan, what remains to be settled is what degree of change America will accept. In November 2009, when President Barack Obama visited Japan on his Asia tour, he and Prime Minister Hatoyama announced that “the Japan-U.S. alliance remains an important foundation of diplomatic policy for both countries,” indicating that the alliance was to be preserved. Furthermore, forfeiting previous deals with the LDP administration to strike new ones with the Democratic government does not necessarily compromise American interests; the Japanese government is also aware of this. Therefore, it would be reasonable for the United States to compromise first in order to break the current deadlock in the relocation negotiations.
With the alliance guaranteed to remain, America should take the first step back to repair its relations with Japan, so that Japan may continue to contribute to America’s global strategic plans. A step back could be, in fact, a step forward for the United States.
The Democratic Party of Japan evidently pictures the relocation of American troops in Okinawa as an icebreaker to more extensive adjustment of the Japan-United States alliance. The Democratic Party has always stressed “equality” between Japan and United States within its idea of an equal trilateral diplomatic framework, which also includes China. For Japan to maintain healthy relations with neighboring countries in the context of the economic and political rise of Asia, a critical review of its alliance with America is much needed.
The post-WWII Japan-U.S. alliance defined the political agenda of East Asia. Although it once factored immensely in the ensuing recovery of Japan, it now undoubtedly poses significant impedance to Japan’s diplomatic independence and its ability to construct effective ties with other Asian nations. The post-war alliance, characterized by Japan’s subordination to America, faces many challenges in today’s world of profound political and economic change.
In fact, the Japanese realized the imbalance of the alliance thwarted its diplomatic independence and autonomy back in the 1980s, when Japan had just become the world’s second largest economy. This realization was reflected in the Japanese National Reform Plan, written by Democratic Party Secretary Ichiro Kozawa, in which he advocated “normalization” and augmentation of political influence for Japan as a nation. To achieve its goal of becoming a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, Japan needs the support of Asian countries, and of China in particular. Under such circumstances, the Japan-U.S. alliance is unquestionably an obstacle to meeting Japan’s political objectives.
With the Democratic Party in power and international affairs centering more in Asia, right now is the ideal time for Japan to adjust its relations with America, establish firmer ties with Asian countries, ultimately achieve its goals of “normalization” as a nation and remove all hindrance to the realization of its political aims. The Democratic Party of Japan has every reason to hold firm ground in negotiations regarding the relocation of American military bases in Okinawa, as the outcome not only reflects the likelihood of the success of the party’s overall political objectives, but also impacts Japan’s ties with other Asian countries, and China in particular.
In addition, the foundation of the current executive alliance in Japan, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, along with the Democratic Party, is responsible for settling the relocation issue, as it was one of his election promises. In a press conference held earlier in the month, Mizuho Fukushima, leader of the Japanese Social Democratic Party, warned Prime Minister Hatoyama that he and his administration had better keep his election promises or the executive alliance could dissolve. The House of Councillors elections scheduled for 2011 are also crucial for ensuring democratic governing power, as the party must secure more than 50 percent of the house seats. Domestic and party complexities form another important element of the Japanese government’s attitude in the relocation negotiations.
For America, however, the negotiations won’t touch on fundamental national interests. At worst, failure could weaken American military presence in the West Pacific region or impact its overall position of power in the area, but even then America’s influence in Asia would remain substantial and its global military strategy would remain in tact. Even if all American forces were evacuated from Japan, U.S. troops in South Korea, the Philippines and Guam provide more than enough assurance for American strategic plans in the West Pacific region. That said, such an evacuation might not happen at all, as the Japanese government only wants to replace previous deals made by the LDP with new ones. The Marines may not need to leave Japan, and perhaps not even Okinawa.
Taking things a step further, it has become inevitable that the Japan-U.S. alliance should undergo adjustment and transformation. Asia is the rising new power, and both Japan and America need to respond to that by adapting their alliance to fit the change; this alliance weighs heavily on how influential both Japan and America can be in Asia.
Under such circumstances, assuming the United States wants to keep its alliance with Japan, what remains to be settled is what degree of change America will accept. In November 2009, when President Barack Obama visited Japan on his Asia tour, he and Prime Minister Hatoyama announced that “the Japan-U.S. alliance remains an important foundation of diplomatic policy for both countries,” indicating that the alliance was to be preserved. Furthermore, forfeiting previous deals with the LDP administration to strike new ones with the Democratic government does not necessarily compromise American interests; the Japanese government is also aware of this. Therefore, it would be reasonable for the United States to compromise first in order to break the current deadlock in the relocation negotiations.
With the alliance guaranteed to remain, America should take the first step back to repair its relations with Japan, so that Japan may continue to contribute to America’s global strategic plans. A step back could be, in fact, a step forward for the United States.