Nostalgia for the Invasions
We will soon commemorate one of humanity’s most favored decisions: ending the threat of nuclear war. The protagonists were the United States, the invading country, in the West, and the Soviet Union on the other side, beloved by millions and much feared and repudiated by countless capitalist countries, as well as by the questionable religious movements of the recalcitrant right, bearers of the worst iideas of democracy, freedom and world peace.
The Soviet Union, as it was commonly called, was a bastion that for 69 years maintained a certain political, economic and military balance among the countries that became world powers after World War II. The containment, led by the Soviet Union, was reflected in its diplomatic, economic, scientific and cultural exchange relations with the geopolitical ideologies of the time: socialism, and in its higher form, communism.
By the way, today we remember that on Sept. 14, 1867, in Hamburg, Germany, Otto Meissner published the first volume of Karl Marx's great work, “Das Capital” — a theoretical proposition that remains a significant alternative to this day.
Concurrently with the Soviet Union in Russia, the United States boasted about winning World War II, claiming the role of world leader and contending that its political stance was aimed at stopping the advance of dangerous communism.
And that was a philosophy, a concept and a way of life totally unknown to Dwight D. Eisenhower's administration. The U.S. president’s speeches only emphasized the animosity toward the economic system of the most emblematic country of that time. It never mattered to Eisenhower that for example, that it was the Soviet army and the Communist allies in Europe who provided one of the most important fronts for the defeat of the German führer. The surrender of Nazi Germany was definitely not because the U.S. Army arrived in Europe.
Global media widely disseminated anti-communist propaganda. For the first time, the general public heard about SS-4 missiles, the range of Soviet weapons and their three-mile range carrying powerful three-megaton warheads; conventional medium-range weapons called MRBMs and the fearsome higher-range missiles, known as IRBMS. But no one talked about the bombs the U.S. had prepared to, with all its destructive intentions, threaten everyone.
We often hear the story of the "heroic" U2 pilot who was shot down over Cuba by its army under Soviet guidance. The reasoning is omitted: the decision made by John F. Kennedy’s military mafia that led to violating Cuban sovereign territory. It was not a simple reconnaissance mission to determine if the Soviet missiles were operable; one of its main objectives was the direct invasion of Cuba. The military was enthusiastic about the possibility of overthrowing commander Fidel Castro and putting an end to the alleged communist threat so close to the coast of Florida.
It was 13 days of worldwide suspense. The Democratic-led government was willing to do anything, although the president's position, along with that of Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev (despite the anti-communist statements of the former), did not lean toward war. Khrushchev proposed several alternatives that Kennedy rejected despite the political tension that the missiles were causing. Both the invasion of the island and the use of nuclear weapons were thwarted.
The missile crisis issues were very broad. From that moment on, a correlation of forces determined subsequent public diplomatic policies — not only for the U.S., Cuba or the Soviet Union itself, but also for other countries that insisted on controlling nuclear weapons. So far, 116 nations have declared themselves to be nuclear weapon-free zones.
Because of the October crisis, or as it has been known for decades, the Cuban Missile Crisis, one government, along with all its people, has suffered one of the worst policies of economic and political coercion that any nation has suffered: the blockade of Cuba.
And worst of all is the insistence by the U.S. government on feeding its outdated hypotheses and invading not only Cuba, but other countries as well, in its sick opium dreams.
The Soviet Union, as it was commonly called, was a bastion that for 69 years maintained a certain political, economic and military balance among the countries that became world powers after World War II. The containment, led by the Soviet Union, was reflected in its diplomatic, economic, scientific and cultural exchange relations with the geopolitical ideologies of the time: socialism, and in its higher form, communism.
By the way, today we remember that on Sept. 14, 1867, in Hamburg, Germany, Otto Meissner published the first volume of Karl Marx's great work, “Das Capital” — a theoretical proposition that remains a significant alternative to this day.
Concurrently with the Soviet Union in Russia, the United States boasted about winning World War II, claiming the role of world leader and contending that its political stance was aimed at stopping the advance of dangerous communism.
And that was a philosophy, a concept and a way of life totally unknown to Dwight D. Eisenhower's administration. The U.S. president’s speeches only emphasized the animosity toward the economic system of the most emblematic country of that time. It never mattered to Eisenhower that for example, that it was the Soviet army and the Communist allies in Europe who provided one of the most important fronts for the defeat of the German führer. The surrender of Nazi Germany was definitely not because the U.S. Army arrived in Europe.
Global media widely disseminated anti-communist propaganda. For the first time, the general public heard about SS-4 missiles, the range of Soviet weapons and their three-mile range carrying powerful three-megaton warheads; conventional medium-range weapons called MRBMs and the fearsome higher-range missiles, known as IRBMS. But no one talked about the bombs the U.S. had prepared to, with all its destructive intentions, threaten everyone.
We often hear the story of the "heroic" U2 pilot who was shot down over Cuba by its army under Soviet guidance. The reasoning is omitted: the decision made by John F. Kennedy’s military mafia that led to violating Cuban sovereign territory. It was not a simple reconnaissance mission to determine if the Soviet missiles were operable; one of its main objectives was the direct invasion of Cuba. The military was enthusiastic about the possibility of overthrowing commander Fidel Castro and putting an end to the alleged communist threat so close to the coast of Florida.
It was 13 days of worldwide suspense. The Democratic-led government was willing to do anything, although the president's position, along with that of Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev (despite the anti-communist statements of the former), did not lean toward war. Khrushchev proposed several alternatives that Kennedy rejected despite the political tension that the missiles were causing. Both the invasion of the island and the use of nuclear weapons were thwarted.
The missile crisis issues were very broad. From that moment on, a correlation of forces determined subsequent public diplomatic policies — not only for the U.S., Cuba or the Soviet Union itself, but also for other countries that insisted on controlling nuclear weapons. So far, 116 nations have declared themselves to be nuclear weapon-free zones.
Because of the October crisis, or as it has been known for decades, the Cuban Missile Crisis, one government, along with all its people, has suffered one of the worst policies of economic and political coercion that any nation has suffered: the blockade of Cuba.
And worst of all is the insistence by the U.S. government on feeding its outdated hypotheses and invading not only Cuba, but other countries as well, in its sick opium dreams.
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