America’s Decline Is Just a Rumor
Is America really on the decline?
Some people say that America’s decline is a slow and long process, and this old power will die hard. Americans themselves are saying that the unemployment rate of nearly ten percent already poses a threat to national security. New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman has, for the past several years, repeatedly criticized America’s leaders, who, ever since 9/11, have lost the vision on which their country was founded and become preoccupied with anti-terrorist strategies. Ever since President Obama entered office, the Republican Party has adopted an uncooperative attitude, making America’s policy and legislation enter an uncivilized period. Despite all of this, one still cannot say that the basic stability of America’s government and its economic development has changed. America is still the world’s greatest superpower. Its military strength, economic strength and intellectual prowess are still the highest in the world.
Actually, since Obama entered the White House, the American government has already basically dispelled the loathing and criticism that the international community shows toward America’s unilateral foreign policy. The only goal it is unable to accomplish is making a positive contribution to the Middle East.
The seeming disorder and inefficacy of American domestic policy comes from two special difficulties: the two parties’ differing concept of governance and slow economic growth. The former difficulty is a characteristic of American government; it will never disappear. The latter difficulty happens because of economic laws: The American government is borrowing too heavily and this makes other countries (especially China) increasingly competitive, accelerating the rate of globalization.
The outside world is unceasingly talking about China, saying things such as “the 21st century is China’s century.” The attitude of those in China has also changed slightly. It is just as some scholars have said: “America’s sun is setting and China dreams of embracing the world.”
This is a little too optimistic.
The obstacles China faces are far bigger than the ones America has recently come across. It is true that in the 30 years since Deng Xiaoping’s opening and reform, China has clearly changed: Economic development is soaring, the standard of living is rising rapidly, individual rights are constantly being safeguarded, political freedoms are rising daily and China is playing a growing role in international affairs. However, China’s innate inadequacies (the large population, the poor quality of the environment and the imbalanced nature of economic development) create obstacles for China’s rise that are far bigger than America’s obstacles. Due to the reform and opening, China has faced a string of unprecedented difficulties, including an unchecked spread of inequality between the rich and poor, the spread of corruption, a lack of social justice, and the government’s decision to save the market by increasing investment and lending after the 2008 financial crisis. These difficulties triggered many negative repercussions. China’s political system lacks regular and reasonable avenues for citizen participation, channels of communication to discuss politics and effective and vigorous accountability for officials at all levels. For these reasons, economic and social problems of any size can cause instability. Trivial problems are treated like major problems, making them seem serious and thus leading to instability.
America might seem chaotic and unable to move forward, but its basic strength lies in the stability of its government and economy. America’s status might be relatively weak, but its absolute strength has not changed. China’s shocking changes and unparalleled efficiency will make others think its rise is not only unstoppable but also unprecedented. However, China’s methods have high costs — costs that sometimes cannot be repaid. America has not yet declined. China has not completed its rise. A country that seems to be immobile will have many worries. A country that seems to be rising in power will be bold and fearless. The government, duped by these two types of attitudes, will frequently act hastily. It will let misunderstandings rise to friction and change friction into conflict.
Fortunately, China’s policymakers have not been confused by trivialities. They have a clear, deep understanding and unique evaluations of the states of the world, the nation and its people. They are totally aware that China needs to concentrate on construction and development instead of becoming complacent or getting carried away.
Some people say that America’s decline is a slow and long process, and this old power will die hard. Americans themselves are saying that the unemployment rate of nearly ten percent already poses a threat to national security. New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman has, for the past several years, repeatedly criticized America’s leaders, who, ever since 9/11, have lost the vision on which their country was founded and become preoccupied with anti-terrorist strategies. Ever since President Obama entered office, the Republican Party has adopted an uncooperative attitude, making America’s policy and legislation enter an uncivilized period. Despite all of this, one still cannot say that the basic stability of America’s government and its economic development has changed. America is still the world’s greatest superpower. Its military strength, economic strength and intellectual prowess are still the highest in the world.
Actually, since Obama entered the White House, the American government has already basically dispelled the loathing and criticism that the international community shows toward America’s unilateral foreign policy. The only goal it is unable to accomplish is making a positive contribution to the Middle East.
The seeming disorder and inefficacy of American domestic policy comes from two special difficulties: the two parties’ differing concept of governance and slow economic growth. The former difficulty is a characteristic of American government; it will never disappear. The latter difficulty happens because of economic laws: The American government is borrowing too heavily and this makes other countries (especially China) increasingly competitive, accelerating the rate of globalization.
The outside world is unceasingly talking about China, saying things such as “the 21st century is China’s century.” The attitude of those in China has also changed slightly. It is just as some scholars have said: “America’s sun is setting and China dreams of embracing the world.”
This is a little too optimistic.
The obstacles China faces are far bigger than the ones America has recently come across. It is true that in the 30 years since Deng Xiaoping’s opening and reform, China has clearly changed: Economic development is soaring, the standard of living is rising rapidly, individual rights are constantly being safeguarded, political freedoms are rising daily and China is playing a growing role in international affairs. However, China’s innate inadequacies (the large population, the poor quality of the environment and the imbalanced nature of economic development) create obstacles for China’s rise that are far bigger than America’s obstacles. Due to the reform and opening, China has faced a string of unprecedented difficulties, including an unchecked spread of inequality between the rich and poor, the spread of corruption, a lack of social justice, and the government’s decision to save the market by increasing investment and lending after the 2008 financial crisis. These difficulties triggered many negative repercussions. China’s political system lacks regular and reasonable avenues for citizen participation, channels of communication to discuss politics and effective and vigorous accountability for officials at all levels. For these reasons, economic and social problems of any size can cause instability. Trivial problems are treated like major problems, making them seem serious and thus leading to instability.
America might seem chaotic and unable to move forward, but its basic strength lies in the stability of its government and economy. America’s status might be relatively weak, but its absolute strength has not changed. China’s shocking changes and unparalleled efficiency will make others think its rise is not only unstoppable but also unprecedented. However, China’s methods have high costs — costs that sometimes cannot be repaid. America has not yet declined. China has not completed its rise. A country that seems to be immobile will have many worries. A country that seems to be rising in power will be bold and fearless. The government, duped by these two types of attitudes, will frequently act hastily. It will let misunderstandings rise to friction and change friction into conflict.
Fortunately, China’s policymakers have not been confused by trivialities. They have a clear, deep understanding and unique evaluations of the states of the world, the nation and its people. They are totally aware that China needs to concentrate on construction and development instead of becoming complacent or getting carried away.