Double Standards in the U.S.–China Dialogue

Published in Takungpao
(Hong Kong) on 22 May 2010
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Huifang Yu. Edited by Amy Wong.
The second round of the U.S.–China Strategic and Economic Dialogue will take place soon. Originally, this was to be a good opportunity for cooperation, but as always, the U.S. continues to pressure China on allowing the Yuan to appreciate, opening up its markets and balance of trade and so on. The flood of requests leads to double standards, thus creating an unfair basis for negotiation. China must therefore protest against this practice for the sake of securing the legitimate rights and interests of the Chinese.

Earlier this year, the U.S. threatened to blacklist China as a currency manipulator. In the end, however, the U.S. had to back down and delay. The Yuan could appreciate, and the dollar could depreciate, but this delay does not solve any problems. The conflicts between the two countries continue. It has been said that in the coming dialogue, the U.S. will request that China allow the Yuan to appreciate. This is inappropriate in the current situation as the European crisis affects the world market and economy. The euro exchange rate against the dollar has already fallen more than 10 percent. On top of that, many European countries are tightening their fiscal policies. All these in turn negatively affect Chinese and American exports. At this point, instead of continuing to argue about currency, the U.S. should perhaps consider examining ways to stabilize the international monetary system.

The father of the euro, Robert Mundell, has said that major currencies like the dollar, euro and Yuan should form a set exchange rate, which would enhance economic and trade exchanges. Fluctuations are reduced when the Yuan and dollar are linked. This, in turn, stabilizes foreign exchange and contributes to the market system. The main problem facing the world is how to stabilize the frequent fluctuations between the euro and the dollar. Competition between Europe and the U.S. is high, and the influence of a plunge of the euro is much greater than one of the Yuan. This issue should be dealt with first. In reality, the market’s expectation for Yuan appreciation has subsided significantly, as evidenced by the one-year non-deliverable forward of the Yuan.

The next controversial point between China and the U.S. is protectionism. In recent months, the U.S. has limited imports of Chinese products. Trade unions and associations continue to apply for more restrictions. The situation has worsened. The U.S. has applied 23 more measures against China, which is an increase of 50 percent, and this makes up about 65 percent of China’s trade. It is apparent that the U.S. is number one when it comes to protectionist restrictions. The situation looks like it will worsen this year, and China needs to counteract. A fundamental problem is the discrimination against China as a non-market economy. The U.S. has indicated that it is difficult to recognize China’s status as a market economy. This is at the core of the economic problem, and China needs to work hard to maintain its rights and viewpoints.

These frictions have existed for years and will intensify as the recovery of the U.S. economy remains unstable and the unemployment rate slowly improves. Protectionist sentiments will continue to be high. What is more worthy of concern is the allegation by some U.S. enterprises that Chinese government procurement encourages independence and discriminates against foreign investment policy. The export of American products to China is hindered, which affects American production in China. The U.S. has therefore insisted that China remove its protectionist measures to achieve fair competition. Interestingly, the U.S. also has such measures in which members of Congress requested bans on policy that would stimulate economic planning through the purchase of foreign products. Fair competition can only be used on others but not on oneself. It is only fair for China as a developing nation to protect its infant industry and encourage innovation to become more independent. Such measures are not targeted at foreign enterprises. China encourages sunrise industries like wind turbines and other new energy solutions. Logically, this is far better than the U.S. trying to protect its sunset industry.

If the U.S. really wants to open up the Chinese market and strive for trade equality, the most fundamental way would be to acknowledge China’s market economy status and abolish its outdated technology import bans. This will not hinder the development of China but rather make U.S. enterprises lose business opportunities. The U.S. will only hurt itself.


中美平等對話 不要雙重標準

次輪中美戰略與經濟對話快將舉行,這本是商談合作的大好機遇,但一如既往美方仍意圖藉此向中國施壓,包括要求人民幣升值、開放市場和平衡貿易等。要求更充斥著雙重標準,想造成以大壓小的不平等談判。因此中國為保障國家人民的合理合法權益,必須全力抗爭。

年初美國力圖對華採用高壓手段,威脅要把中國列為「操縱匯率」國家,但終搞不下去要採緩兵之計。美國以迫人民幣升值來讓美元貶值才是「操縱」行為,而拖延並不解決問題,兩國間就此而來的摩擦仍將不斷,據報美方將在對話中提出人民幣升值的要求。但在目前形勢下這已更為不合時宜:歐洲風暴正衝擊全球市場及經濟,歐元兌美元已大幅下挫逾一成,再加上歐洲多國要收緊財政政策,令中美對歐出口均蒙受不利影響。當此之時,美國與其繼續與中國就匯率問題爭拗,倒不如合作探討穩定國際貨幣體系之道,正如「歐元之父」蒙代爾教授所說,美元、歐元及人民幣等主要貨幣,應形成穩定的相對匯率,從而有利於國際經貿交流。現時維持人民幣與美元掛鈎,減少波動,而為穩定國際貨幣及市場體系做出貢獻。全球面對的主要問題,是穩住歐元兌美元匯價以免頻密地大幅波動。對美國來說,歐美之間直接競爭程度甚高,歐元急挫的影響遠大於人民幣匯率變動,故應先行處理好這方面的事情。事實上如一年期的人民幣不交收遠期匯價所示,市場對人民幣升值的憧憬,已大幅消退。

中美另一經貿爭議焦點是保護主義。美國近月不斷推出限制中國產品進口的措施,其商會及工會仍陸續提出設限申請。去年的情況已甚惡劣:美國對華發動保護措施共二十三起,增長逾五成,涉案貿易額佔中國此類案例總額的六成半,顯見美國是頭號的對華保護主義限制來源。看來今年情況還會惡化,故中國必須以實際行動反擊。更根本的問題是歧視中國的「非市場經濟地位」條文,美方指近年內也難於承認中國的市場經濟地位,中國必須以此作為兩國經貿核心問題來據理力爭。

以上兩項都是原有的摩擦日趨激化,由於美國經濟復蘇不穩就業改善緩慢,保護主義情緒將持續高企,故摩擦還將熾熱甚至升溫。但更值得注意者是新的摩擦,一些美國企業指中國政府採購中的鼓勵自主創新政策歧視外資,阻礙了美國產品對華出口,而這還包括美商在華的生產,故美方要求中國清除「保護主義」措施以達至「平等競爭」云云。其實美國同樣有此類行為,國會議員便要求禁制刺激經濟計劃中項目購買外國產品,中國企業亦受影響,故所謂「平等競爭」只適用於人而不適用於己。中國作為發展中國家,保護「幼稚產業」(Infant Industry)乃合理之舉,何況鼓勵自主創新政策並非單是針對外商。中國對一些新能源裝備如風電機等「朝陽工業」給予鼓勵,在道理上亦遠勝美國保護像鋼鐵等「夕陽工業」。美國若真要打開中國市場和爭取中美間貿易平衡,最根本的出路是承認中國的市場經濟地位,並取消過時的科技出口禁制,這樣既阻不了中國發展,又徒令美國企業坐失商機,乃不損人反損己行為。
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