Pressing Japan on Military Bases Would Be Self- Defeating for America

Published in Sohu
(China) on 4 June 2010
by Hengxiaojing (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Crystal Jin. Edited by Hoishan Chan.
According to Japanese news Wednesday (June 2), Hatoyama decided to step down because he broke his promise to drive American troops out of Okinawa, made during the annual campaign last year. However, information released by the Pentagon expressed that no matter what the Japanese political leadership looks like, Japan must abide by the agreement made last Friday. Obviously, the White House and the Pentagon have not realized that pressing Japan over the military base would be self-defeating in its Northeast Asian strategy.

Since World War II American military bases in Japan and the closely related Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan have always been a big problem, and constantly dictates the trajectory of Japanese politics. As far back as 1960 when the treaty was passed, it led to the resignation of Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke of the Liberal Democratic Party. Many points of view believe that the problems facing the “weak cabinet” of the Democratic Party under Hatoyama have already weakened the possibility of genuine two-party politics in Japan. The outcome of the Hatoyama government could have been predicted by the U.S., considering American intelligence and analytical resources, but the Obama administration nevertheless pressured Hatoyama, who still only possessed an unstable political position, to carry out the 2006 agreement. It is clear that the U.S. wants an obedient Japan. This occurred despite the fact that America’s position is precisely that of Hatoyama’s, which sought American-Japanese relations on “equal footing” to satisfy Japanese voters.

Okinawa has been the most poverty-stricken place in Japan since WWII. The Pentagon has engaged in a policy of “privatization” on Okinawa before. Northeast Asian security experts from both the U.S. and Japan have concluded that the best solution would be to merge the U.S. Marines' Futenma Air Station with a U.S. Army base also located on Okinawa. However, the U.S. Marines wanted to have an independent military base on Okinawa.

From a larger perspective, the treaty was made for the benefit of both America and Japan. The Okinawa base allows the U.S. to have a presence in East Asia and the West Pacific while helping Japan minimize its military spending and avoid conflicts with other Asian countries, which maximizes its security benefits. But there is a long-term problem in this treaty. The international political climate of the post-Cold War world has led Japan to continually reassess the pros and cons of the treaty and the problem of achieving a balance with the existing agreement. Most importantly, Japan finds itself needing to convince the post-war generations of the rationale of this historical arrangement.

As for the Relocation Accord made last Friday between the Hatoyama and Obama administrations, Prime Minister Hatoyama expressed that accepting the American military presence is the responsibility Okinawa has to bear for Japanese security. The government also acknowledged that peace for Japan would not come naturally by itself. This does not mean that the U.S. would be allowed to continue viewing its relationship with Japan as one of “sovereign state” and “protectorate,” and not compromise with Japan over the Okinawa bases. This U.S. is in full knowledge of the sensitivity of the issue on the fragile Japanese political balance, and cannot persist in such a hardline stance.

If the Obama administration hopes for a more democratic Japan and expects Northeast Asian conflicts to end, it should not push to carry out the agreement signed in 2006 by the Bush administration and Japan. The fate of the American military bases will have to be decided by Japanese voters; the resignation of Hatoyama does not put an end to this issue. Japanese defense spending is already the seventh largest in the world. Japan has not been able to resolve legacies of WWII with its neighboring countries like Germany has done, and caught in between its historical role in WWII and “significant” American pressure, the future of Japan might not converge with the expectations of the U.S. Japanese democracy and political leadership are on the verge of falling apart, and if America forces its hand at this point in time, it will not bode well for the expectations of the U.S. and Asia for a democratic Japan.


以驻军问题压迫日本是美国败棋
来源:21世纪网-《21世纪经济报道》
2010年06月04日09:31

据日媒本周三最新消息,由于打破了自己去年选战时作出的要让美军迁出冲绳的承诺, 日本首相鸠山已经决定辞职。而从美国五角大楼稍早传出的信息则赫然透露,华盛顿希望,无论谁将是日本的领导人,都要执行上周五达成的美国海军冲绳基地的迁移协定。显然,美国华府和五角大楼都还没有意识到,今天仍在驻军安保问题上对日本采取高压姿态,其实是其东北亚战略的一步败棋。
  由二次大战沿袭至今的美军驻日基地问题,以及代表着紧密美日同盟的“美日安保条约”, 并不是第一次在日本政坛制造震荡。早在1960年,美日安保条约在日本议会通过的同时,就导致了当时自民党首相岸介信的辞职下台。虽然众多意见都承认,鸠山执政以来日本民主党政府“弱内阁”的种种问题,已经在内部削弱着这个有望在日本推动两党制的政党政府。奥巴马政府急急忙忙催促刚落脚不久的鸠山内阁执行2006年计划,以华盛顿的政治分析和情报势力,完全可以预想到华盛顿的态度将给鸠山内阁带来的政治影响,但是美国要一个“听话的”日本。美国的态度,恰恰就是鸠山最初的要求“美日平等往来”的理念,能够符合日本选票意愿的原因。
  二战后,冲绳一直是日本最贫穷的地区。五角大楼内部群体也曾“私有化”冲绳,对白宫和日本内阁阳奉阴违。就冲绳基地问题,美国和日本两国中对东北亚安全深有研究的政府内外人士,曾认同将美国海军冲绳基地彻底搬迁、与另一处冲绳美国空军基地合并的办法。但美国海军要求拥有自己的基地。
  从宏观面看,关于美日安保中对双方有利的安排,是要在战略上利于美国深入东亚和太平洋西部,同时帮助日本在减少军事开支和回避和亚洲其他国家的矛盾同时,获得最大安全保障。但是,在安保条约具体安排问题上的长期性矛盾,以及冷战后的世界政治格局,不得不让日本重新考虑,日本为之付出的代价和利益,究竟怎样才能平衡,而且更重要的是,如何让战后成长的新生代日本国民们,认同这样的历史安排。
  对上周五鸠山内阁与奥巴马政府达成的美军基地迁移协定,日本首相鸠山的表态是,接受美军基地,是冲绳为日本安全而承担的。日本内阁还有意见,认为和平的获得,不是天然而然的。但是,这不代表,美国可以坚持“宗主国”或者“保护国”的傲慢心理,不肯在不关系基本安防大局的技术安排问题上让步,反而在明知美军基地问题对日本脆弱的政治平衡局势中的破坏作用,仍坚持强硬姿态。
  如果奥巴马政府希望一个更加民主的日本出现,希望东北亚矛盾不要再继续复杂化,就不应该再强行推动2006年布什政府与日本签订的协定。要知道,最终美军基地的命运,要靠日本选民来选择。鸠山的辞职,不代表这一问题就此消解。事实上,日本现在已经是全球军事开支排名第七的军事大国。虽然日本至今没能在二战有关历史问题上,像德国那样彻底和周边国家主动化解矛盾,但是夹在二战历史和美国“高压”中间的日本,其未来走向恐怕未必尽如美国所愿。以当前日本的民主制度和领导机制已经支离破碎,美国这时落井下石,对美国和亚洲共同希望的民主日本的发展毫无好处。
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