Is the U.S. Helping China to Fight Corruption?

Published in Xinhua
(China) on 6 July 2010
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by James Don. Edited by Hoishan Chan.
Fighting corruption is one of the most important issues in China, and China's anti-corruption efforts have been viewed with greater interest by the U.S. across the Pacific. Recently, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission has found a new target in high-tech companies on the West Coast because many of their commercial partners are from the other side of the Pacific in China.

Upon hearing this piece of news, the Chinese may feel more than simply the fact that Americans are sticking their nose into their business. As the U.S. judiciary ratchets up action against the involved companies, the Chinese may feel curious, puzzled and even embarrassed: "Americans are inserting themselves into China’s corruption problems,” “the Americans probably don’t mean well to the Chinese by doing this,” and “will this bring pressure onto China's own anti-corruption capacity?" These comments on an Internet discussion thread show that the Chinese are very concerned about international cooperation against corruption.

The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) has been a sword wielded by the Americans to extend their judicial powers to fight against the misdeeds of American companies committed on foreign soil. Over the years, these anti-corruption personnel have become old hands at dealing with China. They possess significant understanding of Chinese affairs, and the punishments against those guilty of corrupt practices have been strengthened.

We must confess that the offshore anti-corruption plan of the U.S. is beneficial for China's commercial environment. For a long time we have always considered multinational companies as fair participants on the international stage who play by the rules of the game, unlike their Chinese counterparts, whose methods of operation fall firmly in the ‘guanxi’ school of thought, valuing connections and nepotism over efficiency.

In reality, after setting foot in China, these foreign companies have learned and cultivated the culture of business and personal connections quickly, as they all possess a common desire to create the largest amount of profit possible without breaking the law. Recent years have seen many Western companies learning and practicing the manipulation of public and government-corporation relations, bringing them excessive profits in a legally immature China.

Over the past years, China has been stepping up supervision on Western companies by strengthening and improving its capacity to act legally and administratively. Nevertheless, the gap between that of China and the U.S. is still wide. If the U.S. judicial system cooperates with China in supervising their companies’ operations in China, this will constrain the companies' ability to engage in illegal activities. This will help clean up China's commercial environment.

Rapid globalization has significantly influenced the ecosystem of corruption and has enabled criminals to take advantage of varying legal and judiciary systems in different countries. For example, the Chinese smuggler Lai Changxing and other criminals have taken advantage of the differing laws in Canada and other Western countries to escape prosecution. Thus when it comes to rooting out both domestic and foreign corruption at home and hunting down escaped corrupt officials, China would benefit a lot from international cooperation.

Of course, reality never lives up to hopes and dreams. There is no such thing as a free lunch in the world. It is obvious that some American politicians will take this as an opportunity to interfere in China's judicial independence, or trade this issue for some other benefits, or even advocate the American image by exporting their values and ideologies. We must pay close attention to these possibilities.

In the long run, international cooperation in confronting corruption is a trend gaining greater force, and the key is that we will need to grab the upper hand in such a partnership. If China is well-prepared and is more active, it can build up an image of a positive and open country. By learning from other countries' experiences in combating corruption, the commercial environment at home can be improved. In all, if it can establish an effective and efficient cooperative mechanism with other countries, China’s corruption problem can be alleviated.



反腐败是中国人最关心的问题之一,大洋彼岸的美国人关心中国反腐败的劲头似乎也在增加。最近,美国证券交易委员会的反海外腐败部门又有了新目标———美国西海岸硅谷的那些高科技公司。因为它们的不少买卖都在大洋的另一边———中国。

  中国人听到这个消息的心情,除了觉得美国人“爱管闲事”外,还会复杂。好奇,迷惑,甚至有点尴尬的情绪,会随着美国司法部门对涉华公司行动的展开而出现。“美国人来管中国的腐败案了”,“美国人没安好心吧”,“对中国反贪纪检部门会构成压力吗”,这些简短的网民跟帖,表明了中国老百姓反腐败的国际合作问题的关注。

  一直以来,《反海外腐败法案》(FCPA)都是美国拓展司法权限,调查美国公司海外猫腻的利器,曾有一些资本巨头被查处。据说美国相关机构的海外反腐部门的工作人员,这些年几乎也都快成了中国通。他们对中国问题的学习和了解是连续的,而其中的变化则是惩治的力度在不断加大。

  实事求是地说,美国的海外反腐计划是有利于改善中国的商业环境的。长期以来,人们可能对西方企业存有不切实际的想法,认为那些在国际市场上南征北战多年的企业多是很受规矩的,不会像某些中国企业那样,形成了一整套关系学的理念。

  实际上,这些海外公司来到中国后,往往能迅速摸清学透中国的关系文化,因为在“合法”的范畴下为了资本不择手段,同样也是这些公司信奉的理念。在公共关系、政企关系方面的学习和实践能力,西方企业的“进步”是有目共睹的。这就导致某些西方公司在法制尚不健全的中国,能肆无忌惮的攫取超额利润。

  中国近年来加大了对西方公司的监督。一系列惩治腐败的法律和行政措施,也在不断健全和完善中。但是,和已具备完善体系的美国相比,仍有一定差距。如果美国司法机构能够配合中国,对其涉华公司进行更严格的监控,会有利于扼制美国在华企业的违法活动的。这同样也会使中国的商业环境更“清洁”。

  眼下,快速的全球化在深刻地影响着腐败行为的方式和方法,为腐败分子利用不同国家对司法理解的不同,逃脱本国法律制裁,提供了机会。比如,赖昌星和另外一些贪腐分子近年来就借加拿大等西方国家的不同法律体制,逃避了制裁。因此,不论是对内肃清外资腐败,还是对外追捕外逃贪官,中国都有在反腐败国际合作方面的巨大需求。

  当然,现实并不如设想般容易。美国人帮中国反腐也没那么“便宜”。可想而知,一些美国的国会议员们可能不会放过干预中国司法独立的机会;也有可能拿涉及中国的腐败问题当筹码,换取其他好处;甚至借此来树立美国形象,拓展美国的意识形态。这些都是我们在合作中需要注意的问题。

  从长远看,国际反腐败的合作是一个趋势,关键在于我们能不能掌握主动权。中国在国际合作方面如果能有更充分的准备,能表现得更加主动,对外就能树立开放、正面的国家形象;对内则有助于借鉴学习国外的反腐经验,改善自己商业环境。总之,只要能通过建立一套行之有效的合作机制,将会有助于中国的反腐。
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