It has been 57 years since the two Koreas were at war. Never formally ended, the conflict was the first of the many standoffs during the Cold War between Washington and Moscow. Since 1953, an armistice ruled the relationship between North Korea and South Korea. North Korea has, as a country, converted itself in terms of economic power and has been ruled by an extravagant dynastic communist regime that has been marked by its unpredictability and resorted to the extortion of weapons to survive. The shock from yesterday was part of an ongoing escalation since March, when 46 sailors drowned after a North Korean ship sank a South Korean naval vessel. Several days ago, Pyongyang revealed the progress of its nuclear laboratory that implied a much more formidable arsenal than was originally thought. All this ruckus has been part of a gateway for the rise to power of Kim Jong Un, the son of the current dictator Kim Jong Il, who has decided to give his son the mark of a warmonger as part of the transition.
We should avoid viewing North Korea too simplistically at all costs. While the dictatorship has a critical alliance with China, it has continued to exhibit aggressive behavior and extortion towards the West to obtain food and energy. The problem is the timing of these conflicts. These conflicts have come at a time when world leaders are confronted by a crisis that goes to the foundations of the capitalist system of accumulation and, as happened in the '30s, is faced by the major economies together. The North Korean regime has seemed to have thoroughly investigated and anticipated the implications of this crisis and is using it to their advantage to extend their boundaries and show itself as a nuclear power with unlimited rights.
Pyongyang has no money, and their products are rudimentary with a negligent amount that could be exported. The famine that occurred there in the ‘90s killed two million people. However, it has the fifth largest army in the world, with enough force to wipe out Seoul or Tokyo in an instant. It obtained its current nuclear power from one of the strongest U.S. allies. The father of North Korea's bomb is Ayhbu Qaadir Khan, the man who turned his country, Pakistan, another ally of China, into a nuclear power to compete hand in hand with India. If South Korea hits back, it is quite difficult to estimate the consequences — especially because, although it is clear that Beijing cannot control his ally, they could hardly leave if the crisis escalated to an unpredictable scale.
Hace 57 años que las dos Coreas están en guerra. Nunca acabó formalmente ese conflicto que fue el primero de la Guerra Fría entre Washington y Moscú. Apenas un armisticio ha regido la relación desde 1953 entre un país que se convirtió en potencia económica y un régimen extravagante de comunismo dinástico que ha hecho de la imprevisibilidad y la extorsión sus armas de sobrevivencia. El choque de ayer es parte de una escalada que incluyó en marzo el hundimiento de una corbeta de Seúl por un buque militar norcoreano con el saldo de 46 marinos muertos. Hace sólo unos días Pyongyang reveló avances en su laboratorio nuclear que implicaría un arsenal mucho más temible de lo que se suponía. Todo ello como una estentórea pasarela para la llegada al poder de Kim Jong Un, el hijo del actual dictador Kim Jong Il, quien ha decidido, se ve, darle una impronta guerrerista a la transición.
Corea del Norte es un país con el que conviene eludir visiones sencillas. La dictadura mantiene una crítica alianza con China pero ha seguido un comportamiento autónomo agresivo y extorsivo sobre Occidente para obtener alimentos y energía. El problema es el timing de estos conflictos. Se producen en momentos que los liderazgos mundiales están atravesados por una crisis que va hasta los cimientos del sistema de acumulación capitalista y que enfrenta, como sucedió en la década del ‘30, a las mayores economías entre sí. El régimen norcoreano parece olfatear las rendijas que deja ese panorama, y extiende la apuesta hasta los límites para recoger la red esperando quedar instalado como una potencia nuclear con ilimitados derechos.
Pyongyang no tiene dinero y su materia exportable es rudimentaria y mínima. La hambruna que soportó en los ’90 mató a dos millones de personas. Pero armó el quinto Ejército en tamaño del mundo y reunió fuerza suficiente para poder arrasar en un instante a Seúl o Tokio. Su actual poderío atómico lo obtuvo de uno de los más fuertes aliados de EE.UU. y en sus narices. El padre de la bomba de Norcorea es Ayhbu Qaader Khan, el hombre que convirtió a su país, Pakistán, otro aliado de China, en una potencia nuclear para rivalizar mano a mano con la India. Si Corea del Sur devuelve los golpes es absolutamente difícil estimar las consecuencias. En especial porque, si bien es claro que Beijing no puede controlar a su aliado, difícilmente podría abandonarlo si la crisis escala hacia lo imprevisible.
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The economic liberalism that the world took for granted has given way to the White House’s attempt to gain sectarian control over institutions, as well as government intervention into private companies,
The economic liberalism that the world took for granted has given way to the White House’s attempt to gain sectarian control over institutions, as well as government intervention into private companies,
If the Green Party or No Labels candidates steal enough votes from Biden, they will go down in history as the idiot narcissists who helped Trump return to power and possibly finish off U.S. democracy.