How Shall We Break the Floating Futenma Deadlock?

Published in Nikkei Keizai Shimbun
(Japan) on 29 November 2010
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Michael Hart. Edited by Alex Brewer.
As the relocation of the Marine Corps Air Station Futenma becomes the greatest pending question in Japan-America relations, the incumbent Hirokazu Nakaima secured re-election in the gubernatorial prefectural campaign.

The governments of both America and Japan have agreed to relocate the Futenma base within the Okinawa prefecture to Henoko Bay in Nago city. Even Mr. Nakaima initially allowed the inclusion of relocation within the prefecture.

However, within the prefecture there is deeply rooted opposition to the Japan-America agreement, and before the gubernatorial election, attitudes shifted to seek base relocation outside of the prefecture. The prefectural governor holds the authority to permit the filling of public waters that the relocation requires; so as it is, the implementation of a Henoko relocation is becoming even more difficult.

In that case, the effects on the Japan-America alliance will be large. At this month’s meeting with U.S. President Obama, Prime Minister Naoto Kan promised to put “the utmost effort” toward the realization of a Henoko relocation. At a Japan-America summit meeting, former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama stressed that “we want you to trust us,” but in the end he left only disorder.

In reality, the Americans think of the prime minister’s visit to America next spring as the deadline for a resolution. If prime ministers of Japan make a second empty promise, the trust of the Japan-America relationship will be further damaged. With the acceleration of Chinese military armament and tensions in the Korean peninsula, the alliance cannot be weakened any more.

So what should be done? We have no choice but to expose what has been aggravating the situation up until now and take the time to remove it. Much of what caused the Futenma troubles lies in the Hatoyama administration’s blunders. But the responsibility of the Kan administration is also large, as they complain about the implementation of the Japan-America agreement while not taking any decisive action.

Now is the time for Prime Minister Kan to earnestly face Okinawa. He must have the resolve to risk his political career for a solution to the Futenma problem. And Mr. Nakaima must not declare opposition to relocation within the prefecture, even while he seeks a relocation to outside the prefecture. And he must not refuse a conference with the government.

Nonetheless, immediately securing a compromise on relocation within the prefecture will in all honesty be difficult. The Kan administration has to take a hard look at the reality that many U.S. military bases are concentrated in one prefecture, and redouble serious efforts to reduce the burdens on local communities. It is also necessary to give priority to the policies to reduce the military base burden of Okinawa that Japan and America have already agreed upon.

In the meantime, the danger of Futenma being adjacent to town areas remains. If relocation fails completely, Futenma will be cemented as it is, and the set relocation of U.S. Marines in Okinawa to Guam will be up in the air with the Futenma relocation. Such a situation must be avoided for the sake of promoting the reduction of Okinawa’s burden.

In the undercurrent that is lengthening the Futenma problem, the government has done nothing to clearly explain the reality that they cannot expel the U.S. Marines from Okinawa from the point of view of deterrence. To get the support of the people of the Okinawa prefecture, and the people of Japan as a whole, Prime Minister Kan must give a good explanation of this point.


米軍普天間基地の移設問題が日米の最大の懸案になるなか、沖縄県知事選で現職の仲井真弘多氏が再選を果たした。

 日米両政府は普天間を同県名護市辺野古に移設することで合意している。仲井真氏も当初は県内移設の受け入れに含みを持たせていた。

 しかし、日米合意への反対論が県内で根強いこともあり、知事選前になって県外移設を求める姿勢に転じた。移設に必要な公有水面の埋め立ての許可権限は知事が持っており、このままでは辺野古移設の実現はさらに難しくなってしまう。

 そうなれば日米同盟への影響は大きい。菅直人首相は今月のオバマ米大統領との会談で、辺野古移設の実現に「最大限の努力をしたい」と約束した。前任の鳩山由紀夫氏は日米首脳会談で「信頼してほしい」と力説し、結局、混乱だけを残した。

 米側は事実上、来春の首相訪米が解決の期限だと考えている。日本の首相が2度も空手形を出せば、日米の信頼関係はさらに傷つく。中国軍の増強が加速し、朝鮮半島も緊迫しているときに、これ以上、同盟を弱めるわけにはいかない。

 ではどうするか。ここまで事態を悪化させた原因を洗い出し、時間をかけてそれを取り除くしかない。普天間を迷走させた最大の原因は鳩山前政権の失策にある。だが日米合意の履行を訴えながら決然とした行動が伴わない菅政権の責任も大きい。

 菅首相は今こそ沖縄と真剣に向き合い、普天間問題の解決に政治生命を賭けるくらいの覚悟が必要だ。仲井真氏は県外移設を求めながらも「県内移設反対」とは明言せず、政府側との協議も拒んではいない。

 とはいえ、直ちに県内移設への歩み寄りを得るのは、率直に言って難しいだろう。菅政権は同県に在日米軍基地が集中している現実を直視し、地元負担を減らすための真剣な努力を重ねるしかない。すでに日米が合意している沖縄の基地負担の軽減策を先行させる必要もある。

 この間、市街地に隣接する普天間の危険は残る。移設が完全に行き詰まれば普天間の現状が固定し、普天間移設とセットの沖縄の米海兵隊のグアム移転も宙に浮く。沖縄の負担の軽減を進めるためにも、こうした事態は避けなければならない。

 普天間問題が長期化している底流には、抑止力の観点から米海兵隊を沖縄県外に移せない現実を、政府が明確に説明してこなかったこともある。菅首相は沖縄県民、そして国民全体の支持を得るためにも、この点をしっかり説く必要がある。
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