American Forces in Japan: Deterrence Is Indispensible for Peace

Published in Sankei Shimbun
(Japan) on 19 February 2011
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Michael Hart. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
The military deterrent effect of American forces is the basis of the Japan-America alliance, and we should never make light of it.

The military deterrence that comes from the alliance with the U.S. is important now more than ever. Japan’s international security environment grows worse as China advances to the oceans and North Korea develops missiles and nuclear technology. Former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama cited the importance of the deterrent effect of the U.S. Marines for his determination to relocate U.S. air base Futenma (currently in the Okinawa city of Ginowan) within the prefecture. Anger over Hatoyama’s justification that his actions were “politically expedient” passed through the Diet and spread through Okinawa; there are fears that this will have only a negative influence on Japanese-American relations.

It is thus natural that Prime Minister Naoto Kan rejected Hatoyama’s phraseology in the National Diet, but this alone will be far from sufficient. He must once again give an explanation to the people of Japan about the role and significance of the military deterrence that the U.S. forces in Japan and the Marines in Okinawa (that are there by agreement under the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty) carry and concentrate all of his energy on the early implementation of a Futenma relocation.

In May of last year, when Hatoyama was prime minister, he withdrew his personal insistence that “Futenma should be relocated outside the prefecture, and if possible outside of the country,” and tied himself to a Japan-America agreement for a relocation within the prefecture to Henoko in the city of Nago. Hatoyama explained that, “The more I learned, the more I realized the importance of the military deterrent effect of the U.S. Marines.”

Because Hatoyama justified himself by claiming his actions “were politically expedient,” he should have instead said “I have learned absolutely nothing” about the role and significance of military deterrence achieved by the permanent presence of U.S. Marines in Okinawa.

Hatoyama’s statements that “The U.S. military is fixated on Henoko because Okinawa is a comfortable paradise” are also a problem. At the Budget Committee of the Lower House of the Diet, Director General of the Ministry of Defense Gen Nakatani scolded, “Don’t you understand that the American military forces have left their homeland and are risking their lives for the safety of Japan? Do you have any idea how great a sense of duty they carry as they fulfill their jobs?” Hatoyama’s words undoubtedly strike a nerve with the average American citizen, and we must say that these rash remarks bring to naught the mutual trust that supports the roots of the alliance between Japan and America.

But the Kan administration, too, has been postponing decisions on methods and ideas of construction for alternative facilities since last summer. U.S. Secretary of Defense Gates has been carefully watching and considering Japan. At a public hearing in America’s lower house of congress on the 16th, Gates pinned down another date, saying, “My hope is that we will get resolution…perhaps later this spring.” There is no way that Hatoyama’s remarks did not have an influence on Gates.

The opposition LDP has gone so far as to request the testimony of Mr. Hatoyama. Prime Minister Kan has not only sought answers in the Diet, but has called on Mr. Hatoyama and sternly reprimanded him, telling him that his actions ought to show an unwavering policy toward for this “cornerstone alliance.”

It is also the case that figures such as Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara and Minster of Defense Toshimi Kitazawa have not been consistently giving good explanations. I would like to see them incessantly press the importance of military deterrence to the people of Okinawa prefecture to make progress in the Futenma problem.


日米同盟の根幹である米軍の抑止力をないがしろにしてはなるまい。

 中国の海洋進出や北朝鮮の核・ミサイル開発など日本の安全保障環境は悪化し、同盟に基づく抑止力が今ほど必要なときはない。鳩山由紀夫前首相が米軍普天間飛行場(沖縄県宜野湾市)の県内移設を決断する根拠とした米海兵隊の抑止力の大切さについて「方便だった」と発言した問題への怒りは、国会を超えて沖縄の地元に広がり、日米関係への悪影響すら懸念されている。

 菅直人首相が国会で鳩山発言を退けたのは当然だが、それだけでは到底足りない。日米安保体制下で在日米軍や沖縄の海兵隊が担う抑止力の意義と役割を改めて国民に説明し、普天間移設の早期履行に全力を傾けるべきだ。

 鳩山氏は首相だった昨年5月、普天間移設先を「県外、できれば国外」とする自らの主張を撤回して名護市辺野古とする日米合意を結んだ。その理由が「学べば学ぶにつけて海兵隊の抑止力の大切さが分かった」との説明だった。

 これを「方便だった」とする発言は、沖縄に海兵隊が常駐することで果たされる抑止力の意義と役割を「全く学んでいなかった」ことを認めたも同然である。

 鳩山氏が「米軍が辺野古にこだわるのは沖縄がパラダイスのように居心地が良いためだ」と発言したのも問題だ。自民党の中谷元・元防衛庁長官は衆院予算委で「米兵が故郷を離れ、命をかけて日本の安全にどれほど使命感を持って仕事しているか分かっているか」と非難した。まさに米国民一般の感情まで傷つけ、同盟の根幹を支える日米の相互信頼を無にする暴言といわざるを得ない。

 それでなくとも、菅政権は昨夏以来、代替施設の形状や工法の決定を先送りしてきた。日本に配慮して静観してきたゲーツ米国防長官が16日、米下院の公聴会で「今春遅くまでに解決を望む」と改めてクギを刺したのは、鳩山発言の影響ととれなくもない。

 野党は鳩山氏の参考人招致も求めた。菅首相は国会答弁だけでなく、鳩山氏を呼んで厳しく叱責するなど「同盟基軸」の揺るがぬ方針を行動で示すべきだろう。

 前原誠司外相、北沢俊美防衛相らも弁明に終始している場合ではない。沖縄県民らに抑止力の大切さを何度でも働きかけ、普天間問題を前進させてほしい。
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