TLC Action Plan: Bilateral Labor Ploy

Published in BolPress
(Bolivia) on 26 April 2011
by Aurelio Suárez Montoya (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Brandee Bilotta. Edited by Mark DeLucas.
When I was in the United States Congress in 2005, showing the lesions that TLC could bring to Colombia, Democratic representatives voiced fear that this agreement will increase North American job displacement. In a recent letter to President Obama, they synthesized their position: "For too long, American workers saw that the NAFTA-style trade agreements sent their jobs overseas. It is necessary to assure them that all Americans will see and feel the benefits of trade, not only a special interest class."

This sentiment includes 60 percent of Republican voters, who believe that free trade has damaged their country. Citizen groups — like Public Citizen — say that, because of globalization, the United States "has seen economic stagnation, net loss of jobs and wages just to keep up with inflation." Other congressmen insist on trade agendas that reflect "American values," "opening up foreign markets for American exporters, strengthening our trade defense measures against unfair imports"; they promote a project, HR 496: Trade Enforcement Act of 2009, which is not law but could be like an addendum to the agreement with Colombia. The plan of action demands the safeguarding of jobs, unions, collective bargaining, inspectors and safety. First and foremost is the concern to impede North American protectionist "labor dumping"; that neither the Colombian exports be in vile conditions nor the Yankees’ imports be produced by "garbage" contracted labor.

Some think of the benefits for the national working class. However, after looking at the reality of the labor world of Colombia, these illusions collapse. Studies show that with the TLC imports grow more than exports, and this causes unemployment. This way double-digit unemployment, which arrived in February of 2011 at 12.8 percent, or 2.8 million people, will not decrease; neither will informality cease, the main principle of engagement, which in the DANE calculations closed in 2010 at 55.3 percent; nor underemployment, since, of the 229,000 jobs created between 2010 and 2011, 210,000 were for the underemployed, which is 92 percent — the second highest total since 2001.

Obama hopes that the AFL-CIO and other unions will think that their jobs will not be at risk with the AFL with Colombia and that Santos will be seen as a champion of decent employment — a joint effort to deceive. Free trade cannot escape the axiom set by Francisco Mosquera: "Super unemployment in the North, super pillage in the South." To cure the evils of free trade with free trade is to treat an illness with the virus that caused it, a contradiction and, ultimately, a hoax.


Cuando estuve en 2005 en el Congreso de Estados Unidos, mostrando las lesiones que el TLC traería a Colombia, representantes demócratas a la Cámara manifestaron temor de que este tratado aumentara el desplazamiento de empleos norteamericanos. En carta reciente al presidente Obama, sintetizan su posición: “Durante demasiado tiempo, los trabajadores estadounidenses vieron que los acuerdos comerciales estilo TLCAN envían sus trabajos al extranjero. Hay que asegurarse de que todos los estadounidenses verán y sentirán los beneficios del comercio, no sólo una clase de intereses especiales”.

Este sentimiento incluye al 60% de los votantes republicanos, quienes creen que el libre comercio ha dañado a su país. Grupos ciudadanos -como Public Citizen- dicen que, por la globalización, Estados Unidos “ha visto el estancamiento económico, pérdida neta de empleos y salarios apenas a la par con la inflación”. Otros congresistas, insisten en agendas comerciales que reflejen “valores americanos”, “abrir mercados extranjeros para los exportadores estadounidenses, fortalecer nuestras medidas de defensa comercial contra las importaciones desleales”, para ello promueven un proyecto, 496 HR de 2009, Trade Enforcement Act, que no es ley pero que lo sería como addenda al Acuerdo con Colombia. La salvaguardia al trabajo, exigida en el Plan de Acción, con sindicatos, convenciones colectivas, ministerio, inspectores, seguridad es, ante todo, preocupación proteccionista norteamericana para impedir “dumping laboral”; que ni las exportaciones desde Colombia sean en condiciones viles ni a las importaciones yanquis se les compita con contratos laborales “basura”.

Algunos pensarán en beneficios para la clase trabajadora nacional. No obstante, al mirar la realidad del mundo laboral de Colombia, las ilusiones se derrumban. Los estudios enseñan que en el TLC las importaciones crecerán más que las exportaciones y esto causará desempleo. Por esta vía no bajará la desocupación de dos dígitos, que llegó en febrero de 2011 a 2,8 millones de personas, al 12,8%; ni menos cesará la informalidad, principal forma de enganche, que en los cálculos del DANE cerró en 2010 en el 55,33%; ni tampoco el subempleo puesto que, de 229 mil puestos creados entre 2010 y 2011, 210 mil fueron para subempleados, el 92%; con la segunda más alta tasa total desde 2001.

Obama hará creer a la AFL-CIO y demás uniones que sus puestos de trabajo no correrán riesgo con el TLC con Colombia y Santos se mostrará como adalid del empleo digno; una iniciativa conjunta para embaucar aquí y allá. El libre comercio no puede salirse del axioma enunciado por Francisco Mosquera: “Superdesempleo en el Norte, superpillaje en el Sur”. Curar los males del libre comercio con libre comercio es tratar la enfermedad con el virus que la ocasiona, un contrasentido y, al final, un engaño.
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