Snowden Not to Blame for Ups and Downs in Sino-US Relations

In allowing Edward Snowden to leave as a free man, Hong Kong garnered openly vocal objections from the United States. These objections made it clear that the affair will impact the United States’ relations with China. As for Snowden’s final place of refuge, that is still anyone’s guess.

So should China arrest Snowden on behalf of the U.S. and meekly extradite him to stand trial back home? Never mind that China would never bother — there is well-nigh no government around the world that would be willing to oblige.

Events and circumstances surrounding Snowden have always been shrouded in mystery that the average person would be hard-pressed to decipher. Such a dramatic cause célèbre was bound to arouse great sensitivities for China and America, no matter what choices were made. It is implausible that Chinese and U.S. diplomatic authorities have never consulted each other in private concerning Snowden’s fate. In principle, matters ranging from Snowden’s method of departure, to his destination, to what kind of treatment he receives ought to be acceptable to both China and America. The management and outcome of this episode should neither spur great celebration and fanfare for one side nor induce utter dejection and humiliation for the other.

Thus there is one analysis which makes, at minimum, logical sense. By complaining, the U.S. conveniently allows both countries to ease their way out of the problem. It reassures the Chinese public that Hong Kong never yielded to American pressure, while lending credence to U.S. opinion that Washington still holds the upper hand and that Obama’s government will not give in simply because China has a role in these events.

The Snowden affair clearly doesn’t detrimentally impact Sino-U.S. relations. If this were the case, then the bilateral relationship, which features the largest volume of global trade and is a supporting pillar for peace in the Asia Pacific, is nothing more than hogwash. One possibility is that Snowden’s case handed Chinese and American diplomatic authorities the perfect opportunity for intense back-and-forth communications. In addition, both sides believe that they have avoided the worst case scenario coming to fruition.

But if Sino-U.S. relations do take a turn for the worse, then Snowden is probably not the one to blame, as there is never a shortage of reasons for relations to go sour. The actual state of bilateral relations depends on both sides’ resolve and ability to make concessions out of respect for, and not in spite of, each other.

The “behind the scenes” details of the Snowden affair can certainly be worked into all kinds of TV drama, but the global public is most interested in the fundamental facts, as follows: First, Snowden fled to Hong Kong from the United States. Aided by the territory’s press freedom, Snowden exposed his government’s violation of citizen privacy and its organization of cyberattacks targeting networks from multiple countries. Hong Kong then neither extradited Snowden to the U.S. nor offered him long-term political asylum. With his American passport invalidated, however, Snowden was still able to leave the territory for a third country in a normal fashion. Now, the latest suspense surrounds his final choice of destination and how well-executed this process will be.

The U.S. government has already lost ground by having irreparably damaged its political reputation. From now on, it shouldn’t even think of lecturing other countries about Internet ethics from its supposed moral high ground. Its identity as the Internet’s biggest bandit and thief is clear for all to see.

In snatching Snowden back for a heavy sentence, the U.S. is merely shooting the messenger as a warning and to scare potential traitors. But if America gets its hands on Snowden, it will stir up a new storm of global public opinion, which will most certainly shift in the helpless youngster’s favor — Snowden will be viewed as a martyr for Internet freedom. Consequently, the more rational choice for America is to suppress Snowden’s influence from now on and refrain from provoking him, while managing the matter in a low-key way.

The U.S. has proven that its hegemony is very much alive, but it would be well-advised not to try to test it, as the integrity of its monopoly on power is not a well-tested fact. By bullying China, Russia and Internet users worldwide, the U.S. is ultimately bullying itself. It would be best for the U.S. to even stop bullying Snowden and perhaps save itself a little more face.