German week in Washington has ended, Chancellor Merkel’s visit culminating in meetings of the “Atlantic Bridge” and the “American Council on Germany.” None of it left noticeable marks on the American public. Angela Merkel’s appearances — a speech before the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, an extended conversation with President Obama, and their joint press conference — garnered only scant public attention.
Their discussions were dominated by two subjects: Mass-scale spying by the U.S. National Security Agency and the crisis in Ukraine. As far as the NSA’s mania for snooping is concerned, the Americans stuck by their arrogant rejection of any compromises. The new “red line” they drew in front of the Russians, however, remains unclear as well as questionable.
Obama couldn’t see his way clear to apologize for the NSA’s tapping of Chancellor Merkel’s phone and repeatedly returned to the appeasing line that the U.S. had made mistakes. On the merits, however, he remained hard as nails: Chancellor Merkel’s phone conversations would continue to be monitored and the U.S. wouldn’t sign a “no spy” agreement with Germany.
As to the German request for a U.S. guarantee to abstain from any activities within Germany that are contrary to German law, they got only a weary shrug of the shoulders and the observation — delivered with an icy smile — that the United States doesn’t have such an agreement with any nation. The German parliament will have a tough time with that when it comes to their investigation of NSA activities in Germany.
Regarding the Ukraine issue, the agreement up until now had been that stage three sanctions would be applied to Russia should Putin move Russian troops into eastern Ukraine. Now, Obama and Merkel have drawn a new “red line”: They have threatened drastic sanctions in the event that eastern Ukraine threatens an orderly and proper Ukrainian presidential election on May 25. The new threshold for intervention will be any disruption of the election through destabilization.
In practice, however, it would be difficult to establish responsibility for any destabilization in Ukraine — the Kremlin bosses or the Russian-speaking extremists in eastern Ukraine over whom Putin has lost control. How could conclusive proof be established? And what if stricter punishment measures taken against the Russian banking world, its weapons industry, and its energy giants have no effect? In the Rose Garden of the White House Obama, with Merkel standing next to him, has already said it’s unrealistic to think the world would stop buying Russian gas and oil. Or will they have to rethink their rejection of the military option?
Barack Obama took office six years ago with the intention of bringing America to its senses after decades of costly and unsuccessful wars — nation building at home, not in Iraq or Afghanistan, was his message.
Several days ago, he reiterated his view that the U.S. does not have to intervene militarily whenever another country doesn’t comply with Western norms. He did not stand alone: 47 percent of those surveyed expressed the opinion that they would prefer to see a less interventionist America in world affairs.
At the same time, 55 percent want a president who expresses his will, doesn’t hesitate to put even friends in their place, and stands up for our principles. Intervention fatigue, spurred on by the confusion in Ukraine, opens a spot for the feeling that America can’t let itself be pushed around. Even the liberal Washington Post finds itself in agreement with the right-wing critics who say Obama shows leadership weakness. A Post editorial stated, “Non-involvement, or even dramatically reduced involvement, in world affairs is not an option for a continental nation that is simultaneously the world’s largest democracy, its greatest military power and a vast marketplace.”
In election year 2014, Obama finds himself under enormous pressure to act. An already complicated position will not get any easier. Battle cries drown out caution and common sense every time. We have to hope that reason doesn’t heed the bugle calls.
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