OPD 9 Dec 2024, edited by Helaine Schweitzer, proofing in progress

Reducing Mainlandization

Published in Wen Wei Po
(Hong Kong) on 26 August 2015
by Shu Xu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Anthony Chantavy. Edited by Ashley Pinamonti.
The close relationship between the U.S. Consulate General in Hong Kong and the Hong Kong opposition is no longer a secret. The downfall of Occupy Central, the immediate eruption of Hong Kong’s “mainlandization,” and a radical opposition boldly pushing Hong Kong to break away from China are actually also the ideas of Americans. Martin Murphy, former head of the Economic-Political Section at the U.S. Consulate in Hong Kong and former elite U.S. diplomat, recently stated in the South China Morning Post, “[Hong Kong’s] over-reliance on the mainland is becoming a perilous venture. Having grown fat and lazy on mainland tourism and entrepot services, some of Hong Kong's pillar economic sectors are now facing the double whammy of both a slowing Chinese economy and a cheaper Yuan … But the economy is just one arena where Hong Kong would benefit from less mainlandization … To reach its full potential as a more autonomous player operating outside of the Chinese milieu, however, will require Hong Kong’s democratic partners to step up to the plate to help the city get its groove back.” Americans have already hinted to the Hong Kong opposition that it should eliminate “Chinization” and cut off its economic links with China. However, by doing this, does Hong Kong have a way out? Wouldn’t its development be affected? The American call for reduced mainlandization is nothing more than a tactic to cause trouble for both China and Hong Kong and to restrain China.

If Hong Kong wants to play the role of “superconnector,” it must grasp a greater opportunity in China’s “One Belt, One Road” strategy and the next step of its economic reform. This time, Americans are urging Hong Kong to reduce mainlandization and sever its cooperation with China in order to prevent Hong Kong from supporting China, especially in tertiary industries, such as the financial service industry and shipping industry. This is because if China successfully expands its tertiary industries, it would quickly surpass the United States and become the world’s largest economic body.

Murphy states that if Hong Kong can reduce mainlandization, not only would its economy benefit, but so would its businesses, investors and international image. To restore things back to normal, Hong Kong will need the assistance of democratic countries. If democratic nations hope to make even a little difference in Hong Kong’s future, they will need to adopt more concrete strategies, such as helping Hong Kong to promote its autonomy, rule of law and unique way of life, as well as to deepen their engagement with Hong Kong officials, institutions and civil society. He suggests that there should be a formal dialogue between the Legislative Council and other democratic legislatures, with a focus on economic issues, immigration, visas and other areas. “Beyond these issues lies an ocean of other challenges, ranging from the environment to education to youth dissatisfaction, that are ripe for Hong Kong and its democratic partners to forge new partnerships.” If, according to Murphy’s suggestions, Hong Kong does reduce its mainlandization and strengthens its cooperation with democracies, doesn’t this sort of cooperation sound like the Color Revolution?

Occupy Central used illegal and violent methods in an attempt to tamper with the government and wreak havoc in Hong Kong, but in the end, these methods were unsuccessful and the Umbrella Revolution ended without a scratch. Americans have not surrendered and want to take another stab, so they bring up the idea of reducing mainlandization to Hong Kong and then reach a sinister hand to Hong Kong’s economic domain by first creating the impression that Hong Kong-Chinese cooperation is more harmful than beneficial: Hong Kong has grown fat and lazy on mainland tourism and entrepot services. Hong Kong’s retail profits and commercial property market feel the blow of the Yuan’s devaluation. Americans have been plotting a long time to stir up anxiety in Hong Kong about reducing mainlandization, to treat Hong Kong like a fishbone in China’s throat, and to strangle China’s economy before it can develop any further.


美国驻港总领事馆和香港反对派联系密切,是公开的秘密。「占中」功败垂成,近期香港「本土主义」迅速冒起,激进反对派大肆鼓吹香港要与内地隔离,其实也是美国人的主意。前美国驻港领事馆政经部门主管兼前美国资深外交官马丁墨菲(Martin Murphy)近日在《南华早报》撰文,指「香港过分依赖内地,是一种危险的投资。香港的旅游业、进出口贸易一直依赖内地,将自己养得愈来愈懒,使香港一些经济方面的中坚行业也因现时人民币贬值、中国经济增长放缓,而面临困局,呼吁香港应与更多民主国家伙伴,就经济等多方面事务合作,减轻内地化现象」。美国人已经暗示,香港反对派要「去中国化」,切断与内地的经济联系。这样做,香港还有出路吗,内地的发展不会受到冲击吗?美国人鼓吹「减少内地化」,无非还是为了反中乱港,遏制中国。
香港要扮演好「超级联系人」,要在国家「一带一路」战略、国家进一步改革开放中,把握更大机遇。此次,美国人叫嚷香港要「减少内地化」,割裂两地的联系合作,无非是要让内地不能得到香港的支持,特别是第三产业包括金融服务业、物流运输业的支持。因为,如果中国能够成功扩大第三产业,很快就会超越美国,成为全球最大的经济体。
马丁墨菲指出,若香港能「减少内地化」现象,不止经济能受益,更可提升国际形象及利于商业及投资者。要重回正轨,就需要民主国家的帮助。若民主国家希望为香港的未来带来一点变化,她们应采用更多坚实的策略,包括帮助香港推动独立自主、法治及独特的生活方式,以及加深其与香港官员、机构、公民社会的接触。他建议,香港立法会议员应与其他民主国家的议员举行正式对话,就经济、移民、签证等多方面问题作讨论。「香港也可就环境、教育、青年问题等范畴,与其他民主国家伙伴达成新合作」。若按照马丁墨菲的建议,香港一方面「减少内地化」,另一方面加强与「民主国家」的合作,这样的合作,不是很容易让人与「颜色革命」作联想吗?
「占中」以违法暴力的手段,企图瘫痪特区政府,令香港变天,但最终失败了,「雨伞革命」无疾而终。美国人心有不甘,想卷土重来,于是提出香港要「减少内地化」,再把黑手伸向香港的经济领域,先制造香港与内地合作已到有弊无利的危险地步:香港旅游业、进出口贸易依赖内地,将自己养得愈来愈懒;人民币贬值香港零售收益下挫,房地产市场大受影响。美国人处心积虑,要掀起港人「去内地化」的焦虑情绪,要将香港变成卡中国咽喉的「鱼骨」,扼杀中国经济进一步发展。
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