Populism is like sesame seeds: It can be an ingredient in every kind of political mole sauce, for the convenience of whoever is using the term. For a long time, populism has not been used much as a noun; it has been converted into an adjective, but beyond that, into an insult, as Chantal Delsol relates in her book “Populisms: A Defense of the Indefensible.”
As discussed in the classic “Dictionary of Politics” of Bobbio and Mateucci, Ludovico Incisa cautions that populism is not a doctrine, but a syndrome. A conceptual or theoretical framework for populism has not been worked out. Populism can be right-wing as well as left-wing, authoritarian as well as democratic. Latin-American populism can be associated with welfare-state governments and with military governments (from the Cardenism of Mexico to the Peronism of Argentina).
“Populism tends to ideologically permeate discourse during periods of transition, particularly during the acute phase of industrialization (or today, of globalization). It offers a point of cohesion and stitching together, and at the same time a point of focus and consolidation, with more demonstrations and rallies; populism tends to be presented as a homogeneous formula for national circumstances,” Ludovico Incisa concluded in the “Dictionary of Politics.”
Populism is used today to criticize the Hugo Chávez model in Venezuela, as well as the Fujimori model in Peru, the López Obrador model in Mexico, as well as the Donald Trump phenomenon in the United States. Populism is confused with xenophobia and even with anti-globalism. It is used by leaders of the masses, as well as by opinion leaders.
It is a term that favors elitism or oligarchy in politics (the big decisions are made by the minorities, not by the majorities). It is assumed that those who criticize it are superior because they aren’t “populists.” And it is supposed that the populists worship the people and their decisions.
There’s no way out of the labyrinth of the term when it is confused with fascism or authoritarianism, when we mean “demagoguery” and say “populist,” when we confuse cronyism with populism, or when we speak about a socialist or social-democratic model of the welfare state and call it “populist.”
Enrique Peña Nieto walked into this labyrinth in his most recent press conference with his counterparts Justin Trudeau of Canada and Barack Obama of the United States.
The tangle occurred when a journalist asked the Mexican president if he thought that Donald Trump was like Adolf Hitler or Benito Mussolini — that is, if the tycoon with the orange toupee could be a new phenomenon, a fascist like Mussolini, or a Nazi-fascist like the German.
And Peña succumbed to his own confusion, or fell into his own trap. Maybe he was really thinking not about Donald Trump but about López Obrador.*
Peña repeated part of his speech at the United Nations. He criticized the appearance “of politicians, of political leadership, that assume populist or demagogic positions, seeking to eliminate or destroy all that has been built up, that has taken decades to build up, to go back to problems of the past.”
“They are selling easy solutions to the world’s problems, but things aren’t that simple,” he added. This was the phrase with which Barack Obama agreed.
Twenty minutes later, the U.S. president started a discussion. He said:
“I care about poor people who are working really hard and don’t have a chance to advance. And I care about workers being able to have a collective voice in the workplace … And I want to make sure that kids are getting a decent education … And I think we should have a tax system that’s fair.
“Now, I suppose that makes me a populist,” he concluded.
In effect, Obama was referring to the general confusion between populism and the welfare state, or to the new crusade by the U.S. right to criticize Obama as a socialist because he is a proponent of this type of public policy.
“Somebody … [doesn’t] suddenly become a populist because they say something controversial in order to win votes. That’s not the measure of populism. That’s nativism or xenophobia or worse. Or it’s just cynicism,” Obama concluded. And, winking at his country’s domestic politics, he said that Democratic presidential hopeful Bernie Sanders “genuinely” deserves the title of populist.
The U.S. president moderated his insulting tone with respect to the term “populist,” and put it into context in the debate about public policy and the election campaign in the United States.
So what is Trump? A media populist? A white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, little Hitler? A bundle of cynicism and contradictions? A simple opportunist who is capitalizing on the social discontent of millions who have been excluded from the American dream? A Reality Man who insults, backs off, then returns to get our attention?
This is worthy of further analysis, and not just a response by Peña Nieto in the unpromising setting of a press conference.
*Translator’s note: Andrés Manuel López Obrador was the unsuccessful candidate for the Mexican presidency for the Party of the Democratic Revolution coalitions in 2006 and 2012.
Peña, Obama y los laberintos del populismo
Proceso (México)
Por Jenaro Villamil
1 de julio de 2016
CIUDAD DE MÉXICO (apro).- El populismo es como el ajonjolí: puede estar en todos los moles políticos, a conveniencia de quien utilice el término. El populismo dejó de ser hace mucho un sustantivo para convertirse en un adjetivo y más bien en un insulto, como refiere Chantal del Sol en su libro Populismos, una Defensa de lo Indefendible.
El populismo no es una doctrina sino un “síndrome”, advierte Ludovico Incisa en el clásico Diccionario de Política, de Bobbio y Mateucci. No existe elaboración teórica ni sistemática sobre el populismo. Lo mismo hay populismos de derechas que de izquierdas, populismos autoritarios que democráticos. Y populismos latinoamericanos que coincidieron con los gobiernos del Estado benefactor y con gobiernos militares (del cardenismo mexicano al peronismo argentino).
“El populismo tiende a permear ideológicamente los periodos de transición, particularmente en la fase aguda de procesos de industrialización (ahora de globalización, nota de la R). Ofrece un punto de cohesión y de sutura y al mismo tiempo un punto de atención y de coagulación con una capacidad elevada de movilización, presentándose como una fórmula homogénea para las realidades nacionales”, concluyó Ludovico Incisa en el Diccionario de Política.
El populismo ahora se utiliza para descalificar lo mismo al modelo chavista de Venezuela que al fujimorismo de Perú, al lopezobradorismo de México que al fenómeno de Donald Trump en Estados Unidos. El populismo se confunde con xenofobia y hasta con globalifobia. Se utiliza lo mismo para los líderes de masas que para los líderes de opinión.
Es un término que privilegia el elitismo o la condición oligárquica de la política (las grandes decisiones son de las minorías, no de las mayorías). Se presume que quienes lo descalifican son superiores porque no son “populistas”. Y se supone que los populistas idolatran al pueblo y sus decisiones.
El laberinto del término no tiene salida cuando se le confunde con el fascismo o con el autoritarismo, cuando queremos decir demagogia y decimos “populista”, cuando confundimos clientelismo con populismo o cuando hablamos de un modelo socialista o socialdemócrata o de Estado benefactor y le llamamos “populista”.
A este laberinto ingresó Enrique Peña Nieto en la última conferencia de prensa que dio con sus homólogos Justin Trudeau, de Canadá, y Barack Obama, de Estados Unidos.
Sobrevino el enredo cuando un periodista le preguntó al mandatario mexicano si consideraba que Donald Trump era como Adolfo Hitler o Benito Mussolini. Es decir, si el magnate de peluquín naranja podía ser un nuevo fenómeno fascista como Mussolini o nazi-fascista como el alemán.
Y Peña cayó en su propia confusión o en su propia trampa. Quizá no pensaba realmente en Donald Trump sino en López Obrador.
Peña volvió a repetir parte de su discurso ante Naciones Unidas. Descalificó la aparición “de actores políticos, liderazgos políticos que asumen posiciones populistas y demagógicas, pretendiendo eliminar o destruir todo lo que se ha construido, lo que ha tomado décadas para construir, para revertir problemas del pasado”.
“Venden soluciones fáciles a los problemas del mundo, pero no es tan sencillo”, agregó. Esta fue la frase en la que sí coincidió Barack Obama.
Veinte minutos después, el presidente norteamericano entabló una polémica. Afirmó:
“Me preocupo por la gente pobre, que está trabajando muy fuerte, y que no tiene la oportunidad de avanzar. Y me preocupo por los trabajadores, que sean capaces de tener una voz colectiva en su lugar de trabajo… quiero estar seguro de que los niños estén recibiendo educación decente… y creo que debemos tener un sistema de impuestos que sea justo”.
“Supongo que eso me hace populista”, remató.
En efecto, Obama estaba refiriéndose a la confusión generalizada de populismo con Estado benefactor (Welfare State) o a la nueva cruzada de la derecha norteamericana que descalifica como “socialista” a Obama por proponer este tipo de políticas públicas.
Trump “no es populista”, está “más cerca de la xenofobia o el cinismo”, remató Obama. Y lanzó un guiño a la política interior de su país: el precandidato demócrata Bernie Sanders merecería “genuinamente” el título de populista.
El mandatario norteamericano le quitó el tono de insulto al término populista y lo ubicó dentro del debate sobre políticas públicas y la contienda electoral en Estados Unidos.
¿Qué es entonces Trump? ¿Un populista mediático? ¿Un hitlercillo blanco, anglosajón y protestante? ¿Una colección de cinismo y contradicciones? ¿Un simple oportunista que capitaliza el descontento social que ha excluido a millones del sueño americano? ¿Un reality man que insulta, recula y luego vuelve a llamar la atención?
Eso merece otro análisis y no una respuesta de Peña Nieto en una conferencia poco afortunada.
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These costly U.S. attacks failed to achieve their goals, but were conducted in order to inflict a blow against Yemen, for daring to challenge the Israelis.
These costly U.S. attacks failed to achieve their goals, but were conducted in order to inflict a blow against Yemen, for daring to challenge the Israelis.