Trump and His Administration

Much has been said about the personal style of Donald Trump, who will return to the White House on Jan. 20 after a four-year period during which he promised revenge against those who, in his opinion, had cheated him in the 2020 elections or betrayed him by paying more attention to laws than to his demands to “correct” the voters’ mistake.

When he takes office next Monday, Trump will have a federal government aligned by conviction or fear, with the Democratic opposition on the defensive. But part of the way he will govern has been defined as personalized, where “politics will give way to loyalty.” Loyalty is a virtue Trump cherishes, especially when it is to his person.

Perhaps it is a consequence of what some political scientists see as a systemic crisis favoring the arrival of a “strongman.” Beyond that, the reality is that Trump’s electoral triumph in the Nov. 6, 2024 elections thrust the United States into a moment where the presidency and the Congress are in the hands of the same party, while the Supreme Court is ideologically inclined toward the religious right.

Trump has been accused of authoritarian tendencies and his cabinet is full of loyalists, while in Congress, Republican majority leaders seem bent on imposing a discipline that is more “Trumpist” than partisan.

In fact, in some agencies, there are already reports of questions being asked of government personnel about their political views or their adherence to Trump’s ideas. This is the approach of Michael Waltz, the next national security advisor.

Indeed, certain characteristics have already been noted in officials’ first confirmation hearings: In the one dedicated to Secretary of Defense-nominee Peter Hegseth, controversial for his views on the role of women in the armed forces, fundamentalist religious beliefs and accusations of sexual harassment have been in evidence, as well as the fact that he was a news anchor on the FOX network until a couple of months ago. Contrary to custom, the majority rule has literally marginalized the Democratic minority, which, with few exceptions, had no access to an investigation of the candidate.

“Majoritarianism,” however, is a process that is not uncommon in countries where there is partisan competition, and Democrats in the United States used their legislative majorities to overwhelm Republicans — though rarely, if ever, to stifle them.

In the current U.S. Congress, where the Republican majority literally seems to prevail, it will be loyal to Trump’s will.

Certainly, several political scientists agree, in different ways, that Trump’s presidency comes at a time when the United States is in a systemic crisis, with a government described as dysfunctional and a Congress that is frequently immobilized by partisan or ideological disagreements.