When China Comes Along for the Ride

Since the end of the Cold War, foreign policy has occupied only a small place in American presidential campaigns — to the point of becoming a mere prop — even when Washington is engaged on multiple fronts and faces a multitude of challenges. This reality is compounded this year by the economic and social difficulties that the United States has experienced and with the exception of a little sparring on the topic of Afghanistan, Barack Obama and Mitt Romney have had very few occasions to debate international affairs.

Yet one subject has been an exception, because of its direct impact on the everyday lives of American voters: the relationship with China. In a gloomy economic climate, Beijing is the ideal scapegoat at which to point the finger for all of the ills America has suffered and the argument for Chinese peril easily mobilizes public opinion where Washington’s wars no longer fit the bill.

Demonizing Chinese Power

The Republican candidate has shown himself to be the most committed to this affair, promising to show a firm stance towards China and criticizing Obama’s policies with regards to Beijing. He has also called upon China to play by the rules in the world economy, implicitly accusing Beijing of manipulating its currency in order to boost exports.

In an editorial in the Wall Street Journal published this past February, even though he was only one candidate in the Republican primary, Romney promised to avoid the advent of a “Chinese century,” notably by maintaining “a strong military presence in the Pacific.” In the same article, meant to be a “response” to China’s rise in power, Romney attacks the Chinese authorities’ disrespect for political liberties. He positions himself as a candidate of virtue and insinuates in passing that Obama has shown himself to be too complaisant in that regard, and that the president’s administration has not sufficiently shown its opposition to a China that is not free.

Despite his orientation towards dialogue with Beijing at the beginning of his term, the American president has also increased his criticism in the last few months, notably in accusing China of looting the intellectual property rights of American companies. With the appointment of a new team leading Beijing next month, Obama and Romney are free to give themselves over to an escalation of the demonization of Chinese power.

Republic of China

Breaking with a tradition of silence, this time the Chinese do not intend to accept these criticisms without reacting. Whether it has been through official channels, or on the many blogs that give a glimpse of what the Chinese think of their country and the United States, the reactions have been swift and violent, particularly around the time of the Republican convention in Tampa. The official Chinese news agency thus attacked Mitt Romney: “While it is convenient for U.S. politicians to hammer China and blame China for their own problems, they should be fully aware that their words and deeds are poisoning the general atmosphere of U.S.-China relations.”

But the critique is larger, and touches equally on the current administration. “U.S. statesmen, whichever party they represent, should recognize that fundamentally speaking, it is in the U.S.’ interests to look at China’s development from an objective and rational perspective,” affirms the Foreign Ministry Spokesperson, Hong Lei, in a statement on Sept. 1. He adds that Obama and Romney must also “stop making groundless accusations against China and interfering in China’s internal affairs and promote China-US mutual trust and cooperation in a responsible manner.”

An Ambiguous Relationship

With the exception of the Taiwanese elections, never has China involved itself so clearly in a foreign electoral campaign and it is significant that this new posture begins with the American presidential race. The two countries maintain an ambiguous relationship, which alternates between partnership and competition, dialogue and suspicion, but will nevertheless determine much of international relations in the coming decades.

Whatever their economic, military, political, social and even ideological differences, these two very different countries agree on the necessity of a cordial dialogue, but their points of discord are many. Washington isn’t hiding this any more, and neither is Beijing.

This attitude on the part of Beijing also conveys an important confidence. China’s confidence on the international scene, a glimpse of which we see in the critiques addressed to Western leaders, sometimes borders on arrogance, and breaks radically with the low profile advocated under Deng Xiaoping and maintained ever since. There is no question of Chinese leaders serving as a foil to the candidates in their quest for legitimacy and popular support. Whether we want to or not, we must now accept that we will see Beijing commenting on the democratic debates of great powers and criticizing the positions taken by the candidates.

Candidates Obama and Romney are, in any case, playing defense: The China they will necessarily deal with from next January on will not be docile and it will impose its conditions more and more systematically, and without any inhibitions. The Sino-American relationship is now entering a period of rivalry and the stormy exchanges that arose during this electoral campaign may be only the first act.