In the West and Nowhere Else

So the chancellor is now visiting the friend whose intelligence agency spied on her. When this was made known, we remember, she was of the opinion that this would not do at all. Washington reacted to that with some contrition but also, with respect to the overall NSA complex, with astonishment at Germany’s supposed naiveté. Even today the Germans have to put up with the accusation of hypocrisy; after all, the intelligence agencies of both countries work closely together in times of transnational terrorism. The Americans, in turn, hear that their technological omnipotence has gone to their heads and that they are consumed by their obsession with security.

The bottom line regarding data privacy remains a fundamental disagreement: Since 9/11, some set a greater value on security, others on freedom. A “No-Spy” agreement will not happen. This disagreement and other contentious issues will not change the fact that the United States and Germany are close partners and that the economy and security are only two of many fields. Germany, the anchoring power in Europe, enjoys a reputation today in America, because of its economic performance and political position, which it has probably never before had, or at least not for a long time.

High Expectations for Germany

This reputation is tied in with great expectations: Germany needs to straighten Europe out, calm a neighborhood that is sinking into chaos and in general take on managerial responsibility. Berlin does not want to give up this responsibility but has a hard time here and there with meeting these expectations, especially since many Germans have no desire to do so—keyword: “Big Switzerland.”

Obviously, however, there is also an asymmetry in the mutual esteem: The NSA affair damaged the credibility of the United States, and badly, and Obama’s government still does not seem to understand how great the loss of trust is and what consequences this has for the German-American relationship. So after Obama’s elevation to world savior—one almost believed that the New Testament needed to be rewritten—once again much anti-Americanism sprang from between the cracks of the German image of America.

Moving Closer Once Again in the Crisis

What has been expressed derogatorily against America lately in light of the Ukraine crisis defies description and gives cause for concerned questions about where the Germans actually see their place in the world. In any case, many do not locate it on the side of the United States but rather somewhere in between the West and Putin’s Russia.

This is obviously not the place which the chancellor has booked for Germany. When it comes to history, of course, she is not out of her mind. Russia’s course of action in Ukraine, to which Merkel’s current visit in Washington is primarily dedicated, has already led to self-reassurance in the West and brought the trans-Atlantic partners closer again—one could even say it welded them together. Who knows, maybe under the effect of the events in Eastern Europe, the negotiations for a trans-Atlantic trade and investment partnership will also regain momentum.

Berlin in a Co-Leadership Role?

In any case, that would be in Germany’s interest as its businesses would sustainably profit from a dynamically developing Atlantic market with converging regulations. Germany has likewise taken a key position in the Russia policy of the West. If the sanctions against Moscow are expanded to even more sectors of the Russian economy, Germany would initially carry the main burden. This burden is not underestimated in Washington, which would like nothing better than to see Germany in a type of co-leadership role; the German government has already sensed the political resistance and resentment that is connected to such a role.

However the German government cannot give up this responsibility, just as it could not in NATO, and, after some hesitation, it will not. If others had their way, for example, former Chancellor Schröder and those from the energy industry, it would not be so. Then Putin could still snatch up any amount of Ukraine, claim intervention rights for Russia and dream a neo-imperialist dream of Russia, using anti-Western rhetoric; they would embrace the ruler in the Kremlin regardless, some solely for business, and others because they would rather stick with Russia anyway and they are either apathetic or deceived about its actual state.

Everyday Wisdom is Still Sought After

At the end of a week that began with a previous Social Democratic Party chancellor letting himself be celebrated by Europe-despiser Putin, then, the chancellor of the Christian Democratic Union meets the man in the White House. This is more than just a symbolic proclamation of where Germany’s place in the 21st century lies—in the West and nowhere else—in spite of all conflicts and anxieties about estrangement.

Admittedly, it would be nice if Obama in Washington would also take an everyday wisdom to heart: Relationships need to be maintained, including political friendships—not less, but rather more.