Here Comes the Turning Point of American Imperialism

Recently, in addition to frequently mobilizing manpower in our territorial waters, the U.S. also launched its attack against the Chinese by strongly pressuring us to increase the value of the renminbi. Do we sense any hint of friendliness from these actions? Although the U.S. claimed to work toward the restoration of Chinese–American relations, they said a lot of things that indicated their implicit animosity, suppression and oppression. For instance, they said that the rise of China was a result of an underestimation of the renminbi, that it was unfair that China deliberately lowered the foreign exchange rates, which would speed up the disequilibrium of global trade and at the same time sacrifice American’s employment and economic growth. They also claimed that the room for China to increase the value of the renminbi was too limited and the process too slow, therefore some tools and tactics were necessary to help accelerate the process. There is a great possibility that these means would involve the U.S. working with other countries to jointly resist China’s exchange policy. In addition, they said that the foreign affairs that called for primary attention was to resolve the dispute over the sovereignty of the South China Sea, because it had a direct bearing on the national interests of the U.S. They also talked about the Ryukyu Chain and about having America join forces with Japan to defeat China. Aren’t all these sayings signaling us, the Communists, to not be deceived by their insidiousness?

When I wrote some proposals on the second joint meeting of the U.S–China Strategic and Economic Dialogue in May, I already estimated that, in June and July, America was going to slightly heighten the scale of their conflict with us. They were also going to propose stretching toward Europe with Africa, Asia and South America as the centers and extensively decentralize our currency exchange plan and renminbi trade settlement so that they would not be subsided to a passive state in politics. This would be very advantageous for the regionalization of the renminbi to the internationalization and peripheralization of the U.S. dollar. Strategically speaking, this could quickly devitalize the U.S. dollar and reward us with an active state in politics. According to Xinhuanet’s Moscow news on Sept. 8, Russia planned to propose a direct licensed transaction between renminbi and rubles in the very near future, as this would minimize the reliance on U.S. dollar throughout the world. Therefore, it seems like if the U.S. continued to launch attacks on the market currency of China and of other developing countries, more and more countries will rise and share power with us. And so there is feasibility of witnessing the U.S. facing defeat, regardless of whether this would take place next year or the year after next.

In reality, imperialistic countries are pragmatic. Under the pressure of economic depression and the financial deficit and not being able to get foreign aid, the U.S. turns to its union partners such as Japan, Korea and Singapore, just to name a few, and pressures them to increase the value of their currency. In addition, in order to reduce the burden of the disbursement of the non-profit organizations as a result of the record financial deficit, the U.S. also bids the Forbes’s top 400 ranking big spenders in the country to openly promise, either during their lifetime or after they died, to donate at least 50 percent of their wealth to the public welfare organizations. (According to the estimation of 50 percent per head, the donation would total approximately $600 billion. Currently, there are 40 billionaires who have already signed the charitable pledge.) Obviously, however, besides the unemployment rate that climbs steadily to 9.6 percent, there is also the impoverished population that increased to an all-time high in 51 years (14.3 percent of the nation’s total population). One-sixth of the populace is currently receiving benefits from the government. This number is an all-time high in history, and it continues to increase.

The U.S. — after its three years of economic crisis, seven years of the Iraq war and nine years of the Afghan war — is gradually declining. In a prolonged period of war expansion, their strength continues to weaken instead of increase. This pains them immensely. That is why they have to shift direction right now in their strategy by improving their defense. This can be seen from Obama’s proposal of a permanent middle-class tax cut. Obama said that the process of the country’s economic resurgence is painfully slow and that 8 million people lost their jobs due to the economy crisis. Therefore, he deemed it right that America should permanently cut taxes for those who make less than $250,000 annually. He said that America could no longer afford the tax cut of $700 million just to benefit the wealthy, like what the previous administration had in place. It seems to me that they are saying these things just to feel better and so that they are not overly confused and lost with regard to their future. Aren’t we familiar with such a strategy? Obama claimed that right now is the time to take action, but this is really just something nice that they said right before they give up. That is why he came up with such things as the U.S.–South Korea joint military exercise, the 14-nation Rim of the Pacific military exercises and the U.S.–Japan joint military exercise in December in order to cheer his union associates up. The Dulles in the past did the exact same thing to our Chairman Jiang, didn’t they? It seems like the way America cheers others up or the way they cheers themselves up hasn’t changed a bit!

Next, we are going to analyze America’s two biggest hemming strategies: one is Eastern Europe, and another one is the Far East. This is an inevitable outcome of the hegemony expansion of American imperialism. The Eastern European strategy is a result of the prolonged resistance between America and the Soviet Union, as well as a product of the Cold War after World War II. Following the drastic change in Eastern Europe and the sudden disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 that caused the latter social crises and to lose its international standing, a huge geopolitical vacuum thus came into existence. In light of this, it is very likely that the U.S. will intervene and take over the political influence that the former Soviet Union once exerted in Eastern Europe and Eurasia. This has been the situation in the past 20 years. Actually, many geopolitical satellite states — with Poland as their representative — quickly inclined toward NATO and the European Union as a result of the collapse of the Warsaw Treaty. This is also evident in America’s effort to suppress Russia from rising again by establishing the U.S. Missile Defense System in Eastern Europe. In reality, preventing Russia from returning to Eurasia is a prerequisite for the U.S. to take control of the battle plan on a global scope. To them, an Eastern Europe that is free from Russian influence will greatly inhibit the ascent of Russia. Restraining and disintegrating Russia would mean ultimately crippling Russia’s influence in all of Europe and thus ensuring America’s control of power in the Europe. And then, the U.S. can secure their petroleum control in the Far East and the Persian Gulf. Both Russia and America hold very different purposes with regard to some national interest-related geostrategy in Europe, the Middle East and the Far East. They somehow play a vital role in some sort of a decisive significance and a catalytic effect in the geopolitics and interests of Eastern Europe. That is why such claims as a lasting partnership between America and Russia or the reconstruction of America–Russia relations are destined to fail.

America’s political goal in the Pacific strategy is to get rid of any powerful exterior influence in the Far East as well as to make other countries submit to its own political wills. The fact that China’s political strength is growing and that it is rapidly rising on the international scene has caused a reversal in the course of the history of the U.S. and Russia during the Cold War. In view of this, America is compelled to make temporary compromises with regards to the amount of control over Chinese geopolitics. They realize that China is a political power that leans toward Russia and that it will be a great obstacle in carrying out the Far East strategy. To them, the rise of China causes them great anxiety and the possibility of underlying conflicts might pose a threat to America’s dominant status. (It must be emphasized that this threat is not a threat to America’s international status but rather one that weakens America’s strategic strength.) Admittedly, America’s worries are not unwarranted, the main reason being that they attempt to expand and to integrate China into their influence. They think that America should be the “President of the Pacific.”

There are also the West Asian fronts that the U.S. will not give up. This is not merely because West Asia connects the mainland of Europe, Africa and Asia and thus has an international strategic advantage, but also because it plays a vitally important role in contributing to America’s own interests. As a matter of fact, if the main strategic channels of Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan could be catenated, this would have an immense positive impact on America’s economic interests and complement America’s encirclement strategy in the Far East and thus greatly enhance America’s military force in Asia. In addition to that, America would naturally bring under its control China’s access to the Middle East and also Russia’s return to Eurasia. I have discussed this in detail in my previous article about the nuclear problem in Iran and some of the analyses and suggestions. (See the articles entitled “America Exerts Pressures on the Nuclear Problems in Iran: China’s Analyses and Suggestions” July 15, 2009, and “Nuclear Security Summit in Washington: China’s Analyses and Suggestions” April 10, 2010.) So this will not be discussed further here.

In my opinion, any such expansions would put America in a position leading to very rough situation. A year is enough for witnessing a fundamental change in the international system. In the past, the whole world was under the attack of the U.S. The U.S. aggressively launched rampant attacks against every country in the world; they came out victorious and would oppress, exploit and plunder other countries. They wanted to protect North, Central and South America; they wanted to dominate Europe and Asia; and they wouldn’t give up West Asia and the benefit gained from Africa. Because of all of these, those countries which were oppressed, exploited and plundered were subjected to a disadvantaged and extremely difficult situation. Nevertheless, one recent year saw a radical change in this situation. Domestic economic recession, the weakening of their international standing, England and France gaining independence in their foreign policy, objection against the American military hegemony by some allied nations in the Warsaw Pact, the rising of the Third World countries collectively, the awakening of the domestic populace which catalyzed the growth of a new political power, namely, the tea party — all these factors contribute to this radical change. America’s failure in the Iraqi strategy especially is the vital key in this change of situation.

Some media has described the failure of the Iraq War as the Second Indochina War. This is not an apt description because America’s failure in today’s Iraq War versus the Vietnam War during the Cold War between U.S. and Russia after World War II are different in their nature. The Vietnam War is a political failure of the U.S., whereas the Iraq War is America’s total failure in West Asia. Prior to the Iraq War, America was always cautious. From World War I and World War II to the Gulf War and the Kosovo War, they were always focused despite their military failure in the Korean War and political failure in the Vietnam War. After their victory in defeating the Taliban, however, the U.S. was somehow distorted in their judgment. They sought to subdue Iraq as quickly and decisively as possible. From Georgia to Yemen, America launched large-scale raids against these energy-producing countries. As a result, their military strength was dispersed. The failure of the American–Iraq War in August terminated the first stage of America’s attacks on Third World countries. This failure for over seven years, which marks the beginning of its demise, not only means America’s complete failure in West Asia but also means something of far more importance that will affect the Far East and from thence the whole Europe, Latin America and Africa.

Those who are anti-invasion, anti-exploitation and anti-oppression are also against the attack of American imperialism. They are against the defensive moves taken by American imperialism in their strategies. (But to the U.S., there is room for advancement should these strategies be properly manipulated.) This is the second stage, which is also the current stage, of the world development. In December 2009, Obama maneuvered another 30,000 soldiers to attack Afghanistan (This increased the number of the American soldiers stationed in Afghanistan to 100,000.). At the same time, he urged NATO to multiply the number of the troops from 5,000 to 10,000 so that the soldiers from Western countries would number a total of 40,000. Toward the end of last year, France reiterated that they will not send extra fighting forces to Afghanistan; the Netherlands has already withdrawn its troops on Aug. 1; England and Poland have voiced their plan to gradually withdraw in the near future with the intention of resolving the problems in Afghanistan. To the Americans, this couldn’t get worse; it is just like a rapacious black hole that sucks up all its military strength and could despoil its resources. Meanwhile, the U.S. will continue to look for loopholes in us and carefully gather all its strength to fight a partial but an all-out assault against us. Obama desperately wants to get America’s main force out of the ditch of West Asia and refocus their attention on pressuring the Eastern front and the Western front and on hemming in China and Russia. But what happens at this stage? The U.S. has already lost its initiative rights. The initiative right is slowly but steadily transferring into the hands of the Third World countries of which China is a member. Along with the change from being passive to taking over the initiative right in these countries, we could say that no country that is being oppressed is alone in this fight. Consequently, it is not hard to tell where this world is heading and where China is heading.

In summary, the estimation is this: the global as well as the historical development do not favor the expansion of the American imperialism. They do, however, favor our advancement. Nevertheless, a good Marxism-Leninism ideology as our guidance is essential to victory. As Communists, we should always point out the trend and the possibility for any political development, only then the direction for advancement would be made manifest and we could advance from being passive to taking the initiative. In our conversation with America, they cannot always play the role of someone who raises the questions and we someone who gives the answers. Isn’t that right? In addition to the general format that we already possessed, a policy is also necessary. In my opinion, there are four general components to the policy of American imperialism.

I. Propaganda

Thinking is something that reflects political struggles and economic struggles. At the same time, thinking also instructs these struggles; it is closely related to any societal construction and development. Conservatism has its own conservative thinking; capitalism has its own capitalist thinking; imperialism has its own imperialistic thinking. Likewise, socialism has its own socialist thinking. Therefore, sayings comes into play such as, “People should speak according to their own social classes” or “People belonging to certain social classes should serve for the will and the advantage accordingly.” Today, our surroundings are filled with two “voices,” so to speak. The first voice is projected upon us from imperialism, and it reflects imperialistic politics and economy; it speaks for the advantage of imperialistic rules. Under normal circumstances, we can easily identify this “voice.” For instance, with the exposé of the 3•14 Riots in the Western publicity, they named the weapon Geballte Ladung in order to assault us. They did this because we had the ironclad proof of their deceitfulness and their lies. But, when they sneak in our midst with some sort of disguise and tried to get close to us, then we will have a problem identifying the undesirables under these unique circumstances.

It is necessary for us to get a clear understanding of their politics and their domestic issues and to stop them from assailing us. Otherwise, if they keep developing and expanding, it is impending that they would, by means of certain tools and tactics, persecute us to solve their economic crisis and governmental deficit. This is going to severely impact our politics, economy, military affairs, foreign affairs and national construction. The reason why we price our relationship with the U.S. is that we want to accomplish two things, through this series of America’s taking off its mask: first, to serve an educational purpose for some amongst us so as to enhance their level of knowledge and power of judgment so that they could plainly recognize the American imperialistic traitors and their insurgent influences — they could see how they used illusions to beguile us as well as how they quietly betray their country; second, to help us gain a thorough understanding of the American imperialism, foreign policy, the domestic situations of its unions and the formulation of an accurate international foreign policy. All these work to our good, do they not?

The second voice is the voice of the people. It reflects the politics and economy of China, and it speaks for the advantage of the country and of the people. The present China is not a capitalist country, hence imperialistic oppression stands no upper hand in China. If we are ignorant of this, however, and let imperialistic public opinion and weapons fill our ears and our brains, then we would, for sure, make the mistake that Gorbachev made who was deceived by the American imperialism. We Communists always value political ideas; propaganda is deemed necessary in this regard. In one recent stage, we did not place enough attention on propaganda. Now, we should grab hold of the work for publishing and for propaganda. Previously we employed the newspapers as a weapon to organize all work; a weapon to reflect and to direct politics, economy and military affairs; a weapon to unite, connect and educate the people. Hence, we should pay great attention to this aspect. For instance, during the Yan’an period, the communists published the Jiefang Daily and Bordering-Area Mass Newspaper (Bianqu Qunzhong Bao). Through these, it was possible to organize the political thinking and the culture of the border, to discuss a lot of problems in the papers in addition to doing so during conferences and to transmit instructions in the forms of news items. Apart from that, the wall-newspaper is another important weapon to organize, to educate the populace and to energize the people even more intensely. It is something that holds closely to the lives of the people. It is vital, therefore, to ensure that our wall-newspaper is thoughtful and informative, vivid and lively so that it can become an avenue to organize and connect the Communist members and the people. Presently, we have an additional weapon, namely, the public web opinion. It can also be used to correspond with the network war promoted by the U.S. Our fellow comrades used to read the newspaper all the time. Over the years, however, young people tend to rely primarily on the Internet. Hence, this calls for our very own “network propaganda team” and “network seeder.” If we were able to transcend in this area, we would be able to excel in our political, economic and military affairs.

II. Economy

Recently, the American House of Representatives passed an agenda with regard to the exchange rate of the renminbi and the commodities exported to the U.S. If a country is found to manually manipulate the currency exchange rate, then the commodities shipped to America of that country would be levied on the punitive custom duty. Noticeably, with the passing of this bill, if any industry in America could prove that they do contend with substantive harm that comes from the imported commodities of a certain country due to that country’s underestimation of the exchange rate, they could levy the countervailing duties on these commodities. The economy is the foundation of politics and military affairs — politics and military affairs are the constructions on top of that foundation. Therefore, we should do our best in the economy.

In order to face the inevitable economic struggle with the U.S., we must be prepared to be insistent for the long run and to contend with an extremely difficult struggle for one to two years and for any potential mischance. We should now consider several things: first, we should have a rough estimation of the impact of the American trade sanctions on our domestic economy. Second, we should expand our trade with Third World countries and some capitalist countries that are on good terms with us. This expansion is further based on the process of regionalization of the renminbi and the renminbi settlement of bilateral trade. I have touched on this point in my article in March entitled “China–U.S. Trade and the Foreign Policy of the Renminbi Exchange Rate: China’s Analyses and Suggestions.” Third, the stability of the renminbi exchange rate must be ensured. This is a concern from the standpoint of the economy, as well as one from that of politics. First, we must learn a lesson from the warning example of the Plaza Accord in the 1990s and the increase of the value of the Japanese yen. Second, China is a responsible nation; In addition to contributing to economic resurgence, ensuring the stability of the renminbi exchange rate will benefit any bilateral currency exchange agreements and the countries whose transactions are taking place in renminbi. Fourth, we should promptly propose to the United Nations the restructuring of the international currency system and organizing international conferences where representatives from Third World countries and experts can assemble together and boost the status of the emerging market currency of the developing countries in the international currency system. Fifth, we must promptly transfer the foreign exchange reserve of the U.S. dollars. Be ready to reduce one-third of U.S. dollars of the national debts. Be prepared for a complete break off of renminbi and U.S. dollars. This plan has to be carefully thought out to give way to the groundwork. The best timing for this is the end of October to the beginning of November. Please give this a careful consideration.

On the other hand, American newspapers always criticize China; they especially intensely criticize China’s policy of the exchange rate in recent years. In that case, why can’t we criticize America’s political oppression, military invasion and economical plundering? Our criticism functions as a differentiator of the American government and the American people; of those who are amicable with us and those who are hostile toward us in consideration of the American policy toward China; of the good and the bad policies of America. We criticize America’s ill policy toward China with facts and truth. We will not cease criticizing their policy until change is witnessed in their acts of oppression and containment toward China. Otherwise, this will continue forever.

III. Politics

Apart from an economical weapon, we should also possess a political weapon. Our politics functions as guidance to our actions as well as a weapon. It is neither formalistic nor dogmatic. With this weapon, we can examine all of our domestic functioning, analyze whether or not we have taken the right approach all this time and cope with any tendentious mistakes. This weapon will also enable the Communist members and the people to be more united in solving any problems that might confront us. In addition, this weapon can be widely used as a political basis on a global scale. It will unite and strengthen us, as well as the people. The reason why we were able to defeat our enemies in the Chinese Revolution is that we relied on three assets that we had: first a uniformed strategy; second, an armed battle and third, the structure of our party. The present China gained great victory in the Chinese Revolution, and we are now a national political party with over 70 million members. There is also significant change in the domestic situation. But do all these mean that we can just disregard those assets in our hands? There is this common saying, “We should be proud on account of the small victories; we should even be more so of the greater ones.” This disposition will cost us too high a price to pay. If we were not to value this weapon that we have and simply ditch it, it would end up in someone else’s hands, and they would in turn use it against us. Previously, the Soviet Union had two broadswords, as it were: one was Lenin, and the other one was Stalin. The Russians first abandoned Lenin, then Stalin. These broadswords were not pillaged by someone — rather, the Russians themselves ditched them in exchange for a mere 50 million tons of steel, 400 million tons of coal and 80 million tons of oil. Hence, I strongly hope that we can pay close attention to these and to the published articles that discuss American imperialism and the assaults that are targeting us. We should know what they are up to and how they spread rumors amidst us in order to cause division between us and the people and in the International Democratic Peace Party. If we failed to do this, we could solve no problem.

For us to triumph over the imperialistic oppression, we must give due attention, not only to the economy and the military might, but also to the politics and the propaganda. Unity has always been a key to our victory. Should there be a lack of unity, we would by no means obtain the national rulership. Should there be no united fronts against Japan, we would not come out triumphantly in the Sino–Japanese War. Neither would we celebrate victory in the Chinese Revolution or enjoy the construction and development of China in the past 60 years. On the international stage, we should bring all possible forces from the whole world into unity. We should first unite the Third World countries, the political parties, the country and the people, then those who are in favor of peace. The imperialism along with its oppression was greatly outnumbered by the whole world’s population. It is just like one out of ten people who is trying to attack the rest of the nine members, as it were. There is no reason why we should not be united and rise and fight back. Is that not right?

IV. Military

We are left with roughly one year to be prepared in view of the possiblity of American imperialism waging a war by the end of next year until the year after next. We must be thoroughly prepared in this one-year period to deal with the inevitable local wars or brinkmanship or even a world war so that we do not panic and become passive when the time comes. We are experienced in two things: first, the training and consolidation of our present troops and militiamen and heightening their fighting will. We should epitomize our military experience in the past 20 years and the present modern war characteristics. We should never say such things as “We don’t want to go into war anymore” or “What we did in the past is already outdated” and go right ahead and disregard all these precious experiences. Second, the organizing, training and enhancing of the political and military accomplishment of our troops. The expectation of our troops should not be limited only to mere warfare assignment — rather, the overall performance of our troops should also be emphasized. The human resource of our troops originates with the people. Our troops are the troops of the people. It is important, therefore, that our actions should be closely linked to the people and that we should deepen our knowledge on and resolve relationships between the military and the civilians. This will greatly enhance the politics within our troops.

All these four aspects cannot be isolated; they have to be coordinated. We must care for our own needs and never imagine that America would ever compromise whatsoever and remember that there is also no shortcut for solutions whatsoever. We are saying this with the best intention of our politics, economy and military affairs at heart. In view of the impending adversities from within and beyond, we thus should be fully equipped with foresight as well as taking every precautionary, decisive and adaptive measure at all cost. The populace must be motivated to action in order to deal with the hardships from inside and outside, tough struggles, and dangers that come from war. One thing we can be sure of: we are not alone in this fight when we compare the former and present situation. The glorious future that we have been pointing out is absolutely possible. When all conditions reach their full-blown state, then the time for us to completely drive out imperialism and every of its vestige will come.