The execution of a prisoner at the hands of the state of Utah reveals our collective sadism. They tied him, a confessed murderer, like an animal and blew his heart out in a sentence similar to that in Norman Mailer’s “The Executioner’s Song,” the novel about the rebellious behavior of a monster who looked positively civilized in comparison to a society that was so very bureaucratic in the expression of its savagery. Anger accompanies the reaction of those who consider “an eye for an eye” to be the supreme formula for maintaining social order. Those who believe that murder can be justified and legalized celebrate their crime with enthusiasm. These are the same people who see their way clear to torture some criminal if the use of pliers, forceps, knives and whips could guarantee the saving of innocent lives. According to these who — whether they know it or not — long for the days of the Spanish Inquisition, the ends not only justify the means, they also demonstrate a country’s practical superiority — in this case, the United States — over Europe, the decadent. How sad it is that in an age such as ours, there are still some who can believe that murder can be at times gratuitous and at others selective, sometimes abominable and sometimes justifiable, by turns “good” or “bad.”
It’s not even necessary to frame an argument against these executions that with so many methods of extermination, this first-world power — admirable in so many other things — keeps company with such repugnant regimes as China, Iran, the Sudan, North Korea or Saudi Arabia. One’s own guilt cannot be washed away just because others do the same, nor is the sin made less revolting when shared by other nations that respect human dignity. The ferocity visited upon a given criminal diminishes us if we go beyond legitimate punishment to the practice of crude vengeance. It makes no difference whether we act alone, or we’re supported by a worldwide pack of hounds. If we murder the criminal, we multiply his aberration; we become no more than a bloody whip that does nothing more than add to the horror.
Neither is it admissible to talk about efficiency. Even though the death penalty has shown — through very clear and convincing statistics — that it is completely useless as a method for dissuading others from committing murder, it would be equally indefensible in the improbable case that the opposite could be shown to be true. We can say the same about the economic cost. It costs more to keep it going — with all its merry-go-round of lawyers, eternal litigation, appeals and so on — than it would to abolish it. Yet, even if we were to make the most of our resources by eliminating a given number of citizens every year, we would still be facing a foul-smelling practice. Murder, whether carried out by religious fanatics, raving lunatics, nationalist gun-wavers or butchers with legal sanction, should always be condemned and not because it hasn’t been condemned before, nor because the idea comes from the liberal elite or arises from a naïve pacifism. Rather, it should be condemned because by its practice, we lose our dignity, the morality that keeps us from sinking into the same swamp where the wolves howl.
The last-ditch argument that proponents of capital punishment usually throw at protestors brings mothers, children or significant others into the argument. “What if that murdered girl were your girlfriend? Would you be so magnanimous if we were talking about your family or friends?” In such a case, I myself would be the one to try to kill the murderer. Of course, following such a course of action, my behavior would be punishable by law, and I would have to answer for the crime before my peers and go to prison. In reality, those close to the victim are the least able to administer justice. The reactionary thing, explains Fernando Savater in an impeccable article dealing with the subject of life sentences, “... is to express a visceral and primal ‘reaction’ to a present occurrence.” Not due, he continues, “to an underestimation of the seriousness of the crime but to the fact that we place the utmost value on the dignity of the human being, even for those who, in the most disgraceful way, disregard that dignity and trample it underfoot. Putting a limit on punishment, as high as might be necessary, shows the social will not to exterminate one of its own kind, no matter what crimes may have been committed. Because this is the tragic condition in which we move and breathe: that the worst among us are, nevertheless, fellow human beings to their victims and to the rest of us. And the freedom that they employ for evil — for which they should and must be punished — is terribly and inseparably the sister to that which we hope — at times with an anguished effort — to use better.”
How disgusting then the idea that blood spilled must be paid in blood, the primitive idolatry of the gun, the red-hot iron that promises redemption to a witch by the scarring of her breasts, purification earned by burning at the stake, the gas chamber, the shot or injection of poison, the despicable guillotine and the hangman’s noose denounced by Azcona and Berlanga. This postmodern s---, rooted in the virus of absolutism that even makes enlightened conquests relative, condemns Voltaire for being meek and Martin Luther King for being a lamb, purges the sins of the world under the banner of Hammurabi and in the name of democracy, acts against it. I am filled with fear at the vengeful among the ruins. Those who sterilize societies through whips, beatings and driving others to their knees. Those who fix everything by spying out the faults of others in pits made clean by law. Those who associate with men who slaughter. Those who confuse humanity with stupidity. The surly. The pure. Those violent monitors of societal peace. The guardians of cemeteries. Those who, motivated by a very legitimate revulsion at the crime committed, go forth in their lab coats and reproduce it exactly. Those who wash their hands before the rowdy mob. Those who celebrate a gunshot all in good fun while eating peanuts. Those among the pack of hounds who argue theory. Those who do not tremble. The infallible. The enraged. The vicious citizens who, believing themselves hardened and mature, free from the debilitating trap of reason, prowl around among enlightened necrophiliacs like Mao, Khomeini or Kim Jong-Il. Thou shalt not kill. Remember?
El asesinato a manos del Estado de Utah de un preso revela nuestro sadismo colectivo. Asesino confeso, lo han apiolado volándole el corazón en una penitenciaría similar a la de La canción del verdugo, aquella novela de Mailer sobre la desafiante conducta de un monstruo al que sociedad, de puro burocrática en su tratamiento de la barbarie, hacía bueno por comparación. La ira acompaña la reacción de quienes consideran el ojo por ojo fórmula suprema de arbitrio social. Celebran el crimen con entusiasmo quienes consideran que el asesinato puede justificarse, legalizarse. Son los mismos que verían con buenos ojos torturar al delincuente si el uso de tenazas, pinzas, cuchillos y fustas garantizase salvar vidas inocentes. Según estos nostálgicos, inconscientes o no, del Santo Oficio, el fin no sólo justifica los medios: encima demuestra la superioridad práctica de un país, Estados Unidos, sobre la decadente Europa. Qué triste, a estas alturas, que algunos todavía distingan entre asesinatos gratuitos y selectivos, abominables y justificados, "buenos" y "malos".
Sobra esgrimir en contra de las ejecuciones que con dichos ejercicios de exterminio la primera potencia mundial, espejo admirable en tantas otras cosas, navega en compañía de regímenes tan repugnantes como China, Irán, Sudán, Corea del Norte o Arabia Saudí. La culpa propia no lava más blanco en función de lo que otros hagan ni asquearía menos el pecado si fuera compartido con naciones que respetan la dignidad humana. La ferocidad contra el que delinque nos rebaja cuando pasamos del castigo legítimo a la venganza cruda. Igual da que estemos solos o romandiñados con una jauría planetaria. Si pasamos por la navaja al criminal multiplicamos su aberración, funcionamos de correa sanguinaria que prolonga el horror.
Tampoco parece admisible hablar de eficacia. Aunque la pena de muerte haya demostrado, cifras en mano, su inutilidad como instrumento disuasorio sería igualmente indefendible en el improbable caso contrario. Lo mismo vale respecto a los costos económicos. Cuesta más dinero mantenerla, con todo su carrusel de abogados, eternos litigios, apelaciones, etc., que abolirla, pero aún en el caso de que optimizásemos recursos liquidando a unos cuantos ciudadanos cada año seguiríamos hallándonos ante una práctica hedionda. El asesinato, venga de donde venga, lo practiquen fanáticos religiosos, locos de atar, pistoleros nacionalistas o carniceros con diploma legal debe condenarse siempre, no por adanismo, progresía de salón o majadería pacifista, sino porque en ello nos va la dignidad, la moral que evita que acabemos hundidos en el mismo pantanal donde aúllan los lobos.
El último argumento que los partidarios de la pena capital airean suele ser aquel que compromete a la madre, hijos o pareja del interlocutor que discute con ellos. ¿Y si la muchacha asesinada fuera tu novia? ¿Serías tan condescendiente si habláramos de tu familia o amigos? En tal caso sería yo mismo el que trataría de matar al asesino. Admitiendo después que mi comportamiento resultaría punible y por lo tanto debería de responder ante mis semejantes e ingresar en prisión. En realidad, nadie menos indicado para administrar justicia que las personas cercanas a la víctima. Lo reaccionario, como explicó Fernando Savater en impecable artículo referido a la cadena perpetua, «es expresar una "reacción" visceral y atávica ante un suceso presente». No debido, prosigue, a «que menospreciemos la gravedad del delito sino a que valoramos al máximo la dignidad del ser humano, presente incluso en quienes de manera más oprobiosa la olvidan y pisotean. Poner un límite al castigo, tan alto como sea debido, indica la voluntad social de no exterminar al semejante, sean cuales fueren sus culpas. Porque ésa es la condición trágica en la que nos movemos: que los peores son sin embargo semejantes de sus víctimas y de todos los demás. Y la libertad que ellos emplean para el mal -por lo cual pueden y deben ser penalizados- es también terrible e inseparablemente hermana de la que nosotros esperamos, con esfuerzo a veces angustioso, utilizar mejor».
Qué asco, pues, provoca la idea de que con sangre la sangre entra, la primitiva idolatría del fusil, la barra al rojo que redime a la bruja marcándola en los senos, la hoguera que purifica, la cámara de gas, la inyección o chute de veneno, la guillotina vil y el garrote denunciado por Azcona y Berlanga. Mierda de posmodernidad enraizada en virus absolutistas, que relativiza incluso las conquistas ilustradas, condena a Voltaire por manso y a Martin Luther King por cordero, purga los pecados del mundo con la bandera de Hammurabi y en nombre de la democracia actúa contra ella. Qué miedo me provocan los vengativos entre las ruinas, los que higienizan sociedades a base de rodillo, latigazo y mamporros, los que todo lo arreglan espiando culpas ajenas en fosas higienizadas por la ley, los socios del matarife, quienes confunden humanidad y majadería, los hoscos, los puros, los violentos gendarmes de la paz social, los guardianes del cementerio, los que llevados por la legítima repulsa del crimen lo reproducen con bata blanca, los que se lavan las manos entre la masa vociferante, los que celebran el pistoletazo de gracia comiendo cacahuetes, los teóricos de la jauría, los que no tiemblan, los infalibles, iracundos, sañudos ciudadanos que creyéndose curtidos, maduros, de vuelta de las trampas febles de la razón, merodean más cerca de iluminados necrófilos como Mao, Jomeini o Kim Jong-Il de lo que ellos mismos imaginan. No matarás, ¿recuerdan?
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It is doubtful that the Trump administration faces a greater danger than that of dealing with the Jeffrey Epstein files, because this is a danger that grew from within.