Control of Global Warming: U.S. Retreat Weakens International Agreement

Published in Yomiuri Shimbun
(Japan) on 5 August 2010
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Lynn Allmon. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
Inevitably, the very construction of international agreements regarding greenhouse gases, such as CO2, will influence greenhouse gas reduction.

Democrats have given up on Senate debate toward a comprehensive law to control greenhouse gases, because the goals that have been set lack support from the opposition, the Republican Party. Thus, plans by the United States to control greenhouse gases are diminishing — on a large scale.

Therefore, in the “Post-Kyoto Protocol” era after 2013, the time frame for emissions reduction, it has become less clear that the U.S. will accept its responsibility for reducing emissions. America’s declining attendance at negotiations should also be noted. I can safely say that in November, at the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP16), designing the road map to a fair framework became much more difficult.

In May, a bill was announced in the Senate — identical to a bill passed by Congress — adding the target amount of internal greenhouse gas emissions: “Before the year 2020, there will be a 17 percent cut in emissions, when compared to 1995.” In addition, the greenhouse credit system was introduced; however, the Republicans, preoccupied with issues such as an increase in burdensome costs in business and rising energy prices, did not join in the making of this nonpartisan law.

Even within the Democratic Party, with the approach of interim elections in 2011, opposing voices in Congress are gaining strength among members supported by companies that will be affected by these restrictions, such as electric companies.

After interim elections, the plan is for President Obama to move toward formal legalization of the targeted reductions. The reality is that national concern for business and employment has dramatically shifted focus from global warming counter-measures.

An essential condition of the "Post-Kyoto Protocol" is that the two biggest greenhouse gas emitters, America and China, participate; however, neither country is subject to the Kyoto Protocol's precepts. Although China has been encouraged to participate, American involvement remains essential; thus, America’s retreat weakens the hope that China will participate.

It is a prerequisite for execution of greenhouse gas reduction that all principal countries contribute to the construction of a fair framework and agree on ambitious goals in order to meet the overall goal touted by Japan: "a reduction of emissions by 25 percent compared to 1990." This prerequisite must be firmly embraced, so that Japan doesn’t become the only country observing the disadvantageous responsibility of emission reduction.

The government's plan is to, once again, present the global warming counter-measure bill — rejected by the last Congress — in the next session. In addition, they will incorporate the plan for a "25 percent reduction in emissions compared to 1990."

This objective has strong opposition in the business world; thus, it is essential that the government discuss the bill now, carefully and without haste. Taking into account the trend in international negotiations, the proposition for a 25 percent cut in emissions ought to be re-examined.

Editor's Note: Efforts to verify quotations have been unsuccessful.


地球温暖化対策 米国の後退で遠のく国際合意(8月5日付・読売社説)

 二酸化炭素(CO2)など温室効果ガスの排出削減に向けた国際的な合意作りに影響を及ぼすのは必至である。

 米民主党が、包括的な地球温暖化対策法案の上院審議入りを断念した。共和党の反対で成立のメドがたたないというのが理由だ。米国の地球温暖化対策が大きく後退したことを意味している。

 これにより、2013年以降の排出削減の枠組みとなる「ポスト京都議定書」で、米国が削減義務を受け入れるかどうか不透明な状況になった。交渉の場での米国の存在感の低下も避けられまい。

 11月の気候変動枠組み条約締約国会議(COP16)で、公平な枠組み作りの道筋を描くのは一層困難になったといえよう。

 5月に発表された上院の法案は、下院を通過した法案と同様、温室効果ガスの国内排出量を「20年までに05年比で17%削減する」との数値目標や排出量取引制度の導入を盛り込んでいた。

 だが、共和党は企業のコスト負担増やエネルギー価格の上昇が避けられないとして、超党派での法案作りに加わらなかった。

 11月の中間選挙を控え、民主党内でも、規制の影響を受ける電力業界などを支持基盤とする議員から反対の声が強まっている。

 オバマ大統領は中間選挙後、改めて削減目標の法制化に取り組む方針だ。だが、国民の関心は景気と雇用に集中し、温暖化対策から離れているのが現実である。

 「ポスト京都」の絶対条件は、2大排出国である米国、中国の参加だ。それが、両国が対象外となった京都議定書の教訓である。

 その中国への働きかけでも、米国の存在は欠かせないとされてきただけに、米国の後退で、そうした期待は急速にしぼみそうだ。

 「1990年比25%削減」の目標を掲げる日本は、すべての主要国による「公平な枠組みの構築」と「意欲的な目標の合意」を、削減実行の前提条件としている。

 日本だけが不利な削減義務を負わないよう、この前提条件を堅持していかねばならない。

 政府は、先の国会で廃案となった地球温暖化対策基本法案を次の臨時国会に再提出する方針だ。そこには、「90年比25%削減」も盛り込まれている。

 この目標には産業界などに強い反発がある。この際、政府に必要なのは、法案提出を急がず、じっくり議論する姿勢だ。国際交渉の動向を見極めつつ、25%削減について再検討すべきであろう。
(2010年8月5日01時23分 読売新聞)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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