The Tea Party Lays Siege on Washington

Published in El Pais
(Spain) on 19 September 2010
by Antonio Caño (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Ellen Connacher. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
Though unknown in the political scene, Christine O’Donnell, whose victory this week in the Delaware primaries has shaken the United States, counts on a long and intense activity in the battle to restore the strict Calvinist morals in society, which apparently has been conquered by perversion and lust.

In 1996, only 27 years old, O’Donnell created an organization in Los Angeles that went by the name of The Savior’s Alliance for Lifting the Truth, whose principal objective was the promotion of chastity. Since then, O’Donnell has been a frequent participant in public events, academic debates or talk shows on Fox to condemn pornography, masturbation and homosexuality. She has criticized federal aid going to the fight against AIDS, which she considers an appropriate penance for the sin of promiscuity, and has defended that the most appropriate role for a woman is as a wife and mother, devoted to the peace and contentment of her husband.

O’Donnell is a symbol among some representatives of Generation X that believe in the urgent restoration of certain values which have been buried by the hippie generation, feminism or the simple continuation of humanity. She is, in a way, a leader of an alternative model for youth.

The flamboyant candidate for the Senate is therefore a woman even physically similar to its main supporter, Sarah Palin, who serves perfectly as an example, a coarse and brutal example, of that against which the Democratic Party claims to fight in the November midterm elections.

It has always been easier to fight against a person than an idea. The tea party, with all its radicalism and obscene messages, is an idea and, in a certain form, an attractive message of individual freedom to confront the arrogance of the state. O’Donnell, and the various other O’Donnells that have emerged as a consequence of the tea party’s victories in numerous primaries in the last year, show the realization of this idea didn’t turn out to be so attractive. In fact, although 40 percent of Independent voters share the beliefs of the tea party, according to a survey by The Economist less than a quarter support the party’s leader.

The Democratic propaganda machinery has swung into action with the peculiar biographies of O’Donnell and other similar candidates that will be circulated extensively until November. “The best spokesperson to win votes for Andrew Cuomo is Carl Paladino. Our strategy is to just let him talk,” a campaign manager of Cuomo reported to The New York Times. Cuomo is the Democratic candidate for governor of New York, and his Republican opponent, Paladino, is another reputed member of the tea party that won the nomination on Tuesday.

Paladino, an eccentric character and a bully like something out of an episode of The Sopranos, on one occasion referred to a political rival as the Antichrist and has vowed to come to the Albany-based New York government armed with a baseball bat to arrange things his way.

Similar stories will circulate in the following days in respect to other candidates of the tea party, the majority of whom are people without political experience, arising from the base of rural and primitive conservatism that represents a threat to the establishment in Washington, but also a challenge to common sense everywhere in the country.

The unqualified nature of their rivals is no guarantee that Barack Obama’s party will be able to contradict the black paint that paints the polls in November. Fifty-nine percent of Americans, according to a survey this week by The New York Times and CBS, believe the president has a clear plan for solving the problems of the nation. Along with that, it is clear that conservative voters are more motivated than their rivals, as evidenced by the fact that for the first time in more than 70 years, more Republicans than Democrats have been involved in these recent primaries.

But the personal factor, credibility, can still lessen the blow of November. Despite all odds, 45 percent of the population supports Obama’s conduct, while less than 30 percent would trust Palin as president, according to a survey by The Wall Street Journal.

Obama will therefore engage himself personally in the battle that follows; a battle in which, thanks to the advance of the tea party, the White House is trying to establish crude terms of progress against retrogression, moderation against extremism, security against uncertainty. “It’s obvious that Republicans are choosing candidates that are far from mainstream opinion,” recalled presidential spokesperson Robert Gibbs.*

From this point of view, the campaign presents an easier plan of attack for Obama. The president up until now has faced a wave of unrest due to an economic crisis that he had not created, but that he has not been able to resolve quickly enough. He faced frustration due to an administration that was bleaker than that which was foreseen, and the devaluing of several achievements — the health reforms, the financial reforms, the improvement of human rights — misunderstood by the electorate. He faced ghosts which were very difficult to overthrow and that kept giving power to the opposition.

Something has changed this week. The same Republicans now have to resolve their civil war in order to send citizens one single and constructive message. The Democrats have not reverted to the tendency that brought them to defeat, but have been able to bring questions to the public that will make them think. Do they want to lower taxes for the rich or for the middle class? Do they want to return power to those that created the current economic crisis? Do they want to leave Congress in the hands of Christine O’Donnell?

*Editor's note: This quote, accurately translated, could not be verified.


Aunque desconocida en el campo de la política, Christine O'Donnell, cuya victoria esta semana en las primarias de Delaware ha estremecido a EE UU, cuenta con una larga e intensa actividad en la lucha por restaurar la estricta moral calvinista en esta sociedad, aparentemente conquistada por la perversión y la lascivia.

En 1996, con solo 27 años, O'Donnell creó en Los Ángeles una organización que responde al nombre de Alianza del Salvador para Defender la Verdad y cuyo principal objetivo era la promoción de la castidad. Desde entonces, O'Donnell ha sido una frecuente participante en actos públicos, debates académicos o tertulias de la cadena Fox para condenar la pornografía, la masturbación y la homosexualidad. Ha criticado la ayuda oficial a la lucha contra el sida, que ella considera la penitencia justa por el pecado de la promiscuidad, y ha defendido que el papel más adecuado para una mujer es el de esposa y madre al servicio de la tranquilidad y felicidad del marido.

O'Donnell es un símbolo entre algunos representantes de la Generación X que creían urgente rescatar supuestos valores enterrados por la generación hippy, la liberación femenina o el simple progreso de la humanidad. Es, a su manera, líder de un modelo alternativo de juventud.

La flamante candidata al Senado resulta, por tanto, una mujer -hasta físicamente parecida a su principal valedora, Sarah Palin- que sirve perfectamente como ejemplo -burdo y brutal ejemplo- de aquello contra lo que el Partido Demócrata dice luchar de cara a las elecciones legislativas de noviembre.

Siempre es más fácil luchar contra una persona que contra una idea. El Tea Party, con todo el radicalismo y obscenidad de su mensaje, es una idea y, en cierta forma, una hermosa idea de libertad individual frente a la prepotencia del Estado. O'Donnell -y los varios O'Donnell que han surgido como consecuencia de la victoria del Tea Party en numerosas primarias el último año- es la concreción de esa idea, y no resulta tan atractiva. De hecho, aunque más del 40% de los votantes independientes comparte los argumentos del Tea Party, según una encuesta de The Economist, menos de una cuarta parte muestra simpatías por sus dirigentes.

La maquinaria de propaganda demócrata se ha puesto en marcha para que la peculiar biografía de O'Donnell y de otros candidatos similares circulen extensamente hasta noviembre. "El mejor portavoz para ganar votos para Andrew Cuomo es Carl Paladino. Nuestra estrategia es solo la de dejar hablar a Paladino", ha comentado a The New York Times un asesor de la campaña de Cuomo, el demócrata aspirante al cargo de gobernador de Nueva York, respecto a su contrincante republicano, otro reputado miembro del Tea Party que obtuvo la nominación el martes pasado.

Paladino, un personaje excéntrico y bravucón que parece sacado de un capítulo de Los Soprano, se refirió en cierta ocasión a un rival político como el anticristo y ha prometido llegar a Albany -sede del Gobierno de Nueva York- provisto de un bate de béisbol para arreglar las cosas a su modo.

Historias similares circularán en los próximos días respecto a otros candidatos del Tea Party, la mayoría de ellos gente sin experiencia política, surgidos de la base de un conservadurismo rural y primitivo que representa una amenaza para el establishment en Washington, pero también un desafío para el sentido común en cualquier parte del país.

La descalificación de sus rivales no es una garantía de que el partido de Barack Obama podrá contradecir en noviembre el negro panorama que le pintan los sondeos. Un 59% de los norteamericanos, según una encuesta de esta semana de The New York Times y CBS, creen que el presidente no tiene un plan claro para resolver los problemas de la nación. Junto a eso, es evidente que los votantes conservadores están mucho más motivados que sus rivales, como prueba el hecho de que en estas recientes primarias, por primera vez en más de 70 años, han participado más republicanos que demócratas.

Pero el factor personal, la credibilidad, puede aún atenuar el golpe de noviembre. Pese a todas las circunstancias adversas, un 45% de la población respalda la gestión de Obama, mientras que menos del 30% confía en Palin como presidenta, según una encuesta de The Wall Street Journal.

Obama va a implicarse personalmente, por tanto, en la batalla que comienza, una batalla que, gracias al avance del Tea Party, la Casa Blanca está tratando de establecer en crudos términos de progreso frente a retroceso, moderación frente a extremismo, seguridad frente a incertidumbre. "Es obvio que los republicanos están escogiendo candidatos que están lejos del pensamiento mayoritario", recordó esta semana el portavoz presidencial, Robert Gibbs.

La campaña se presenta, desde ese punto de vista, más fácil de acometer para Obama. El presidente se enfrentaba hasta ahora a una ola de malestar popular por una crisis económica que él no había creado pero que no ha sido capaz de resolver con celeridad. Se enfrentaba a la frustración por una gestión más gris de lo previsto, a la desvalorización de unos logros -la reforma sanitaria, la reforma financiera, la mejora de los derechos humanos- incomprendidos por el electorado. Se enfrentaba a fantasmas muy difíciles de derribar y que acabarían dándole el poder a la oposición.

Algo ha cambiado esta semana. Los propios republicanos tienen ahora que resolver su guerra intestina para transmitir a los ciudadanos un solo y constructivo mensaje. Los demócratas no han revertido la tendencia que los lleva a la derrota, pero han conseguido trasladar al público preguntas que le harán pensar: ¿quieren bajar los impuestos a los ricos o a la clase media?, ¿quieren que vuelvan al poder los mismos que crearon esta crisis económica?, ¿quieren dejar el Congreso en manos de Christine O'Donnell?
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