Obama on Libya: Little, Late and Wrong

Published in El Mundo
(Spain) on 26 February 2011
by Ricard Gonzalez (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Ellen Connacher. Edited by Nathan Ladd.
Six days of indiscriminate attacks against the civilian population — which could have claimed the lives of up to 10,000 — had to pass before President Obama would open his mouth and condemn the cruel repression by Gadhafi and his henchmen by calling it “unacceptable” and “appalling”.

It was Thursday, the same day that he spoke on the phone with Cameron, Sarkozy and Berlusconi to discuss sanctions against the Libyan regime. Furthermore, he announced that he sent Hillary Clinton to Geneva on Monday to negotiate the possible adoption of certain measures with the international community.

Seeing how quickly events are unfolding in Libya and the slow pace of diplomacy, one wonders if when the international community finally acts the crisis will have already finished and Gadhafi will be damned.

It’s true that the difference between Egypt and Tunisia is the limited extent of the United States’s influence on the Libyan regime, because Libya receives hardly any aid of any kind from Washington, nor is it an important commercial partner. As such, it is probable that a more decisive reaction from the White House would not have deterred a determined Gadhafi from leading his country to civil war with the intentions of sparing his kleptocracy.

However, that is no excuse for the inaction that we have seen during these days. Maybe it was difficult logistically, or politically impossible (there are the vetoes of China and Russia) to establish a no-fly zone above Libya to avoid aerial attacks on protesters.

But Washington and the EU, whose role turns out to be even more pathetic, could have at least taken some unilateral action during the first few days, like imposing economic sanctions directed at the leaders of the regime, or prohibiting them entry to their respective countries. Even neutral Switzerland has acted promptly by freezing Gadhafi’s assets.

You have to realize that it’s justifiable for Obama to move with a certain caution in relation to Libya: He knew when the conflict started that there were still hundreds of American citizens in the country, including various diplomats, and that it was his obligation to ensure their safety. Given that Gadhafi is not a scrupulous man, it isn’t out of the question to worry that he could capture said American citizens and use them as hostages.

However, that doesn’t justify the fact that Mr. Nobel Peace Prize would not even send a public message to the tyrant during the beginning phases of the crisis, advising Gadhafi that he would never be accepted in the international community after a bloodbath. And if not Obama himself, then perhaps Hillary or his attorney general should have reminded Gadhafi of the possibility that he would ending up rotting in jail after condemnation by an international criminal tribunal.

Critics of Obama argue that the president has not been able to deal with such circumstances from the start of the Arabic revolts that now shake one country after another in the region. On this I disagree, because I think that in broad terms the White House was able to find equilibrium between its interests and responsibilities.

In that instance, there was warning from day one of the dire consequences that would arise between Egypt and the U.S. should the army open fire on protesters, thereby terminating such a possibility. Furthermore, the White House not only gave legitimacy to the demands of the demonstrators, but also called for a transition to democracy. Some would have wanted Obama to have publicly demanded Mubarak’s resignation. However, this task of liberating Egypt from Mubarak did not belong to the superpower that is always accused of excessive imperial interventionism; rather, it belonged to the Egyptian people. And in fact, they liberated themselves in an admirable display of tenacity, determination and wisdom.


Tuvieron que pasar seis días de ataques indiscriminados contra la población civil en Libia, que podrían haberse cobrado hasta 10.000 muertos, para que el presidente Obama dijera esta boca es mía, y condenara la cruel represión de Gadafi y sus esbirros, calificándola de “inaceptable” y “atroz”.

Fue el jueves, el mismo día que habló por teléfono con Cameron, Sarkozy y Berlusconi para discutir sanciones contra el régimen libio. Además, anunció que enviaba a Hillary Clinton el lunes a Ginebra para negociar con la comunidad internacional posibles medidas a adoptar.

Viendo la rapidez con la que suceden los acontecimientos en Libia, y la lentitud con la que se mueve la diplomacia, uno se pregunta si cuando por fin la comunidad internacional actúe, la crisis se habrá terminado, y Gadafi ya estará en el infierno.

Es verdad que, a diferencia de Egipto y Túnez, la capacidad de influencia de EEUU sobre el régimen libio es muy limitado, pues éste no recibe apenas ayuda de algún tipo de Washington, ni tampoco es un importante socio comercial. Por lo tanto, es probable que una reacción más decidida de la Casa Blanca no hubiera disuadido a un Gadafi determinado llevar a su país a la guerra civil con tal de intentar salvar su cleptocracia.

Sin embargo, eso no es excusa para la inacción que hemos vivido estos días. Quizás era logísticamente difícil, o políticamente imposible (ahí están los vetos de China y Rusia) establecer una zona de exclusión aérea sobre Libia para evitar ataques aéreos contra los manifestantes.

Pero Washington y la UE, cuyo papel resulta aún más patético, podrían al menos haber tomado alguna acción unilateral durante los primeros días, como decretar sanciones económicas dirigidas a los jerarcas del régimen, o prohibirles la entrada a sus respectivos países. Incluso la neutralísima Suiza les pasó la mano por la cara, congelando los activos de los Gadafi con celeridad.

Hay que reconocer que es legítimo que Obama se mueva con una cierta cautela en relación a Libia, habida cuenta de que permanecen en el país centenares de estadounidenses, incluidos varios diplomáticos, y es su obligación velar por su seguridad. Sabiendo que Gadafi es un hombre sin escrúpulos, no es descabellado temer que pueda capturar a los ciudadanos estadounidenses y utilizarlos como rehenes.

Ahora bien, eso no justifica que Mr. Premio Nobel de la Paz ni tan siquiera enviara un mensaje público al tirano durante las primeras fases de la crisis advirtiéndole de que nunca sería aceptado de nuevo en la comunidad internacional tras un baño de sangre. Si no el propio Obama, quizás Hillary o su Fiscal General deberían haber recordado a Gadafi la posibilidad de acabar pudriéndose en la cárcel tras una condena del Tribunal Penal Internacional.

Los detractores de Obama argumentan que el presidente no ha estado a la altura de las circunstancias desde el inicio de las revueltas árabes que sacuden un país tras otro en la región. En esto discrepo, pues considero que, en líneas generales, la Casa Blanca sí encontró en Egipto el equilibrio necesario entre sus intereses y responsabilidades.

En aquel caso, sí se advirtió desde el primer día de las nefastas consecuencias que tendría para las relaciones entre Egipto y EEUU que el ejército abriera fuego contra los manifestantes, quizás abortando esta posibilidad. Además, desde la Casa Blanca no sólo se otorgó legitimidad a las demandas de los manifestantes, sino que se pidió una transición a la democracia.

Algunos habrían querido que Obama hubiera exigido públicamente la dimisión de Mubarak. Sin embargo, esa tarea, la de liberar a Egipto de Mubarak, no le correspondía a la superpotencia acusada siempre de un excesivo intervencionismo imperial, sino al pueblo egipcio. Y de hecho, así lo hizo en una admirable muestra de tesón, determinación, y sabiduría.
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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