America and Europe

Published in El Nacional
(Dominican Republic ) on 31 March 2012
by Narciso Isa Conde (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Robin Salomon . Edited by Louis Standish.
Imperialism, in its American and European versions, "will not drive." In response to the adverse consequences of its dominance, provoked by the surge of present and active Latino-Caribbean changes in the last three decades, there are social convulsions springing up in some Western European countries (Iceland, Greece, Portugal, Italy, Spain…) and the so-called "Arab Spring."

Both phenomena, shaken by imperialistic controls, were preceded by the obstructions in Iraq and Afghanistan and by sharp expressions of crisis in the American/European conquest military strategy for territory and riches. We're not surprised by the imperialist presence in Libya after cutting ties with Gadhafi, with the continued grotesque aggression from NATO, leading up to the unfolded genocide and horrendous assassination of the Libyan leader. And if that wasn't enough, the same is being attempted in Syria and Iran.

The changes in Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen — which are pro-American dictatorships that have each been respectively defeated — have varying degrees of intervention and progress as a result of levels of nationalism and/or camouflaged infiltration. Similarly, there's the factor of anti- or pro-capitalist components, liberal or revolutionary, and of the correlation of forces within the set that has starred in the mass rebellions in those countries. There's the common denominator of the absence of a leading strategic management and coordination of a polarizing network of revolutionary leaders of advanced social movements leaning toward the creation of alternative powers.

However, the fact is that the Western powers, particularly the United States, have lost areas it has tightly controlled for decades, and, above all, the stability of its dominance in key strategic areas. All this occurs within a growing global multipolarity with new difficulties like powers such as Russia and China, especially as it relates to serious conflicts rising in these areas alongside an aggravated chronic crisis of European and American capitalism.

It just so happens that with the Arab Spring and the massive indignations in the U.S. and Europe — with the caveat that most of these struggles have not generated advanced governments, leaving space for some right parts — something is worth mentioning with regard to the successions of the last three decades in our America: There's the need to develop more qualitative factors, including articulators and leaders of revolutionary transitions, as well as the construction of new powers at the societal and state levels, in both consciousness and organization arising from the tremendous experience accumulated by mankind.


El imperialismo, en sus versiones estadounidense y europea, “no va en coche”. A las consecuencias adversas para su dominio provocadas por la oleada de cambios latino-caribeña presente y activa en los tres últimos lustros, se les suman las convulsiones sociales en algunos países de Europa Occidental (Islandia, Grecia, Portugal, Italia, España…) y la denominada “primavera árabe”

Ambos fenómenos, estremecedores de los controles imperiales, fueron precedidos de su empantanamiento en Irak y Afganistán y de agudas expresiones de crisis en su estrategia militar de conquista de territorios y riquezas, que no hay que dudar se les presenten en Libia después de romper sus pactos con Gadhafi, recurrir a la grotesca agresión de la OTAN, al genocidio desplegado y al horrendo asesinato del líder libio. Y más aún si intenta hacer lo mismo en Siria e Irán.

Los cambios en Egipto, Túnez, Yemen… derrotadas las respectivas dictaduras proestadounidenses, tienen diversos grados de mediatización y avances a consecuencia de los niveles de nacionalismos y/o de infiltración camuflajeada, así como de los componentes anti o pro-capitalistas, liberales o revolucionarios, y de la correlación de fuerzas dentro del conjunto que ha protagonizado las rebeldías multitudinarias en esos países; con el denominador común de la ausencia de una conducción estratégica de vanguardia y de la articulación de una red de líderes revolucionarios aglutinante y politizadora de los movimientos sociales de avanzada en dirección a la creación de poderes alternativos.

De todas maneras, lo cierto es que las potencias occidentales, y en particular EEUU, han perdido espacios férreamente controlados durante décadas y, sobre todo, la estabilidad de su dominio en importantes zonas estratégicas; al tiempo que crece la multipolaridad mundial junto a nuevas dificultades con potencias como Rusia y China, especialmente en lo relacionado con graves conflictos provocados en las zonas mencionadas, y se agrava la crisis crónica del capitalismo europeo y estadounidense.

Sucede con la “primavera árabe” y en las indignaciones masivas en Estados Unidos y en Europa –con la salvedad de que la mayoría de esas luchas no han generado gobiernos avanzados, dejando espacios a los recambios de derecha- algo parecido a lo acontecido en los últimos tres lustros en nuestra América: falta desarrollar más factores cualitativos, articuladores y conductores de las transiciones revolucionarias y de la construcción de los nuevos poderes a nivel de sociedad y Estado, en tanto conciencia y organización surgidas de las formidables experiencias acumuladas por la humanidad.
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