Isolated Russia
Published in El País
(Spain) on 6 June 2014
by Editorial (link to original)
(Spain) on 6 June 2014
by Editorial (link to original)
Translated from
by Pedro Garcés Satué.
Edited by Gillian Palmer.
Obama aims to calm down NATO allies during a visit marked by the crisis in Ukraine.
Barack Obama had not paid much attention to a Europe in which peace was taken for granted. That is why Ukraine’s deafening warning signal marks the trip of the president of the United States and the limits of his leadership, and American power at the same time. Two weeks ago, those outlines were drawn in the West Point speech in which Obama outlined his foreign policy for the rest of his term. It was a message with too many omissions and cliches. It seemed dictated by polls rather than by the decisive challenges on the ground.
In Poland, Obama’s announcement of reinforcing Europe's defense with $1 billion was timely and symbolic, on the eve of the 70th anniversary of the Normandy landings and in view of the alarm of Putin’s intentions in relation to Ukraine. Whenever Congress passes those funds, they will serve to pay for joint maneuvers and rotations of soldiers and ships through different countries. However, Obama has missed the chance to move part of his troops in Western Europe eastward, a gesture that would reassure the old Moscow satellites that are now members of NATO. It is with them that he has reiterated the Washington commitment.
Those gestures fall short for Ukraine. Obama’s repeated message that the days in which the powerful would impose their will on the weak at gunpoint are over, takes pity on the tragic reality in Kiev. Poroshenko has thanked Obama for his promises of financial and security support. Nonetheless, the precarious armed forces of Ukraine are unlikely to need night sights and sophisticated communications now that the pro-Russian separatist uprising has worsened (with hundreds of casualties). Moscow has withdrawn most of its border troops, but combatants and Russian weapons are increasingly prominent in a revolt that is becoming a civil war.
Keeping the peace in Europe demands American commitment. However, this commitment requires some effective tools to become an effective deterrent. Putin, humiliated after being left out of the G-7, is to meet Hollande, Merkel and Cameron in his first confrontation after the annexation of Crimea. The message of European leaders is no more than one: It is the Russian president who has to put an end to the serious crisis unleashed by his neo-imperial ambitions.
Barack Obama had not paid much attention to a Europe in which peace was taken for granted. That is why Ukraine’s deafening warning signal marks the trip of the president of the United States and the limits of his leadership, and American power at the same time. Two weeks ago, those outlines were drawn in the West Point speech in which Obama outlined his foreign policy for the rest of his term. It was a message with too many omissions and cliches. It seemed dictated by polls rather than by the decisive challenges on the ground.
In Poland, Obama’s announcement of reinforcing Europe's defense with $1 billion was timely and symbolic, on the eve of the 70th anniversary of the Normandy landings and in view of the alarm of Putin’s intentions in relation to Ukraine. Whenever Congress passes those funds, they will serve to pay for joint maneuvers and rotations of soldiers and ships through different countries. However, Obama has missed the chance to move part of his troops in Western Europe eastward, a gesture that would reassure the old Moscow satellites that are now members of NATO. It is with them that he has reiterated the Washington commitment.
Those gestures fall short for Ukraine. Obama’s repeated message that the days in which the powerful would impose their will on the weak at gunpoint are over, takes pity on the tragic reality in Kiev. Poroshenko has thanked Obama for his promises of financial and security support. Nonetheless, the precarious armed forces of Ukraine are unlikely to need night sights and sophisticated communications now that the pro-Russian separatist uprising has worsened (with hundreds of casualties). Moscow has withdrawn most of its border troops, but combatants and Russian weapons are increasingly prominent in a revolt that is becoming a civil war.
Keeping the peace in Europe demands American commitment. However, this commitment requires some effective tools to become an effective deterrent. Putin, humiliated after being left out of the G-7, is to meet Hollande, Merkel and Cameron in his first confrontation after the annexation of Crimea. The message of European leaders is no more than one: It is the Russian president who has to put an end to the serious crisis unleashed by his neo-imperial ambitions.
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