The West must stand firm against the Kremlin’s machinations and must do so without relying on Trump, who also plays a part in undermining stability.
Immersed as we are in a technological era, destabilization is an easy-to-use and extremely inexpensive weapon. It has been Vladimir Putin’s weapon of choice to restore Moscow’s position as a great power, lost after the end of the Cold War and the demise of the Soviet Union. Russian interference in the U.S. election or in the Brexit vote, the creation of trolls that can polarize public opinion in a number of countries, or misinformation by way of Kremlin-financed global media comprise Russia’s current advance party in this war without borders and without ideology. One could add to this arsenal Putin’s public endorsement of ultra-nationalist − or fully anti-European − leaders, such as Marine Le Pen, Matteo Salvini and Viktor Orbán.
Another element of Moscow’s destabilization policy is the hybrid and frozen wars it uses to keep a buffer zone around Russian borders, whether with the Ukraine, Georgia or Moldova. In this new chapter of deregulated international relations, Putin has found a formidable ally in Donald Trump and his unpredictable and disruptive decisions. The United States’ withdrawal from Syria is the best gift Putin could ask for from the American president. The West must stand firm against the destabilization coming out of the Kremlin, and must do so without relying on a Washington that is part of the same destabilization.
Otro elemento de la polÃtica de desestabilización de Moscú son las guerras hÃbridas y congeladas con las que mantiene un glacis en torno a las fronteras rusas, ya sea con Ucrania, Georgia o Moldavia. En este nuevo capÃtulo de las relaciones internacionales desreguladas, Putin cuenta con un aliado formidable en la persona de Donald Trump y sus decisiones imprevisibles y disruptivas. La retirada de Estados Unidos de Siria es el mejor regalo que el presidente norteamericano podrÃa hacer a Putin. Occidente debe mostrar firmeza ante la desestabilización que nace en el Kremlin y debe hacerlo sin contar con un Washington que forma parte de la misma desestabilización.
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The Beijing summit did not produce a major agreement between the great powers on the region, but it firmly established that Middle Eastern crises are now deeply tied to the great-power dialogue.
A summit that would normally send a reassuring message ... faces total uncertainty thanks to the weakness of the United States. The only person to blame for this is Trump.
During the Cold War, the United States occupied the apex of this triangular dynamic, pitting China and the USSR against each other. Today, it is Beijing that occupies that apex.
The Beijing summit did not produce a major agreement between the great powers on the region, but it firmly established that Middle Eastern crises are now deeply tied to the great-power dialogue.
During the Cold War, the United States occupied the apex of this triangular dynamic, pitting China and the USSR against each other. Today, it is Beijing that occupies that apex.
A summit that would normally send a reassuring message ... faces total uncertainty thanks to the weakness of the United States. The only person to blame for this is Trump.
The Beijing summit did not produce a major agreement between the great powers on the region, but it firmly established that Middle Eastern crises are now deeply tied to the great-power dialogue.
During the Cold War, the United States occupied the apex of this triangular dynamic, pitting China and the USSR against each other. Today, it is Beijing that occupies that apex.