After bin Laden

Published in El Pais
(Spain) on 4 May 2011
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Karin Riechenberg. Edited by Piotr Bielinski.
Osama bin Laden’s physical disappearance should also mean the disappearance of the political disasters in which he was involved, as well as those that he provoked. The main contribution of al-Qaida’s leader to the history of universal wickedness is the transformation of terrorism into the essence of a new type of extensive and destructive warfare, whose only battleground is civil society and whose main victims are anonymous defenseless citizens, Westerners and non-Westerners, Muslims and Christians. But it is not his only contribution: the cynical exploitation of weak and corrupt states; the promotion of a clandestine criminal network, or rather, of a criminal franchise with religious alibis, to the status of political actor; and the attempt to establish the most fanatical fantasies as international law are other contributions of his.

The Muslims were the first to bury this legacy of bin Laden, even before his death. So did the Arab revolutionary movements that were inspired by democratic principles, antithesis to the theocratic and dictatorial doctrine that al-Qaida’s founder proclaimed. The West should now in turn get rid of the negative aspects of its response to jihadism. Human rights are not defended by restricting and compartmentalizing them, not even temporarily. The anxiety in face of terror, the ensuing hysteria and the feeling of exception are understandable, but not effective in the long term.

The United States, which, especially under George W. Bush, proclaimed a permanent global state of exception and validated torture, extraterritorial detentions and illegal wars, should reflect upon the fact that the successful operation against bin Laden happened after all these political measures became outdated and declined. Furthermore, due to them, Guantanamo has done much more to discredit democracy rather than to promote it.

The exact knowledge of what happened in Pakistan will show to what point Obama was scrupulous in his use of legitimate methods which democracies use to combat their enemies, by making exceptions to the principle of “ends justifying the means.”

Yet it would be difficult to deny that the U.S. is legally involved in a legitimate war against al-Qaida. This was stated in a United Nations Resolution after 9/11. Therefore, the action of the unit that killed bin Laden would merely be considered another act of war. And although jihadism has tried to blur the line between assassination and military action, between the state and the religious mafia, between imposition and respect, no sensible person should submit to the same rules of the game. Questioning the legitimacy of your own actions is the first principle of a liberal culture.


La desaparición física de Osama Bin Laden debería dar también lugar a la desaparición de los desastres políticos que ha protagonizado. Y también de los que ha provocado. La conversión del terrorismo en el núcleo vertebrador de un nuevo tipo de guerra masiva y devastadora, cuyo único campo de batalla es la sociedad civil y cuyas principales víctimas, anónimos ciudadanos indefensos, occidentales o no, musulmanes o cristianos, es la principal aportación del líder de Al Qaeda a la historia de la perversión universal. Pero no la única: el cínico aprovechamiento de Estados débiles, corruptos e inviables; la elevación a categoría de actor político de una red de delincuencia clandestina -más bien de una franquicia criminal con coartada religiosa- o el intento de consagrar como ley internacional las fantasías más fanáticas son otras de sus contribuciones.
Los musulmanes han sido los primeros en enterrar ese legado de Bin Laden, incluso antes de muerto. Así lo han hecho las revoluciones árabes inspiradas en principios democráticos, antítesis de la doctrina teocrática y dictatorial pregonada por el fundador de Al Qaeda. Le corresponde ahora a Occidente depurar los aspectos negativos del contralegado que ha segregado en su autodefensa contra el yihadismo. No se defienden los derechos humanos restringiéndolos o encapsulándolos, siquiera temporalmente. La angustia ante el terror, la histeria de ella derivada y el sentimiento de excepcionalidad son comprensibles, pero no operativos en el largo plazo.
Estados Unidos que, sobre todo con George W. Bush, decretó un estado de excepción mundial permanente y validó la tortura, las detenciones extraterritoriales y las guerras ilegales debería reflexionar sobre el hecho de que la exitosa operación contra Bin Laden se ha desarrollado después de que todos esos postulados políticos hayan periclitado. Y, seguramente gracias a ello, Guantánamo ha hecho mucho más por la deslegitimación de la democracia que por su victoria.
El conocimiento exacto de lo ocurrido en Pakistán permitirá en su momento conocer hasta qué punto Obama ha sido escrupuloso en el uso de los métodos legítimos de que disponen las democracias para combatir a sus enemigos, que no pueden establecer excepciones al principio según el cual el fin no justifica los medios.
Y, sin embargo, sería difícil negar que EE UU está legítima y legalmente en guerra defensiva contra Al Qaeda. Así lo reconoció Naciones Unidas en su resolución posterior al 11-S. La actuación del comando que dio muerte a Bin Laden sería pues un acto más de la misma. Y aunque el yihadismo haya tratado de borrar las fronteras entre el asesinato y la acción militar, entre el Estado y la mafia religiosa, entre la imposición y el respeto, nadie sensato debiera hacerle el juego. Interrogarse sobre la legitimidad de los propios actos es el primer imperativo de la cultura liberal.
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