It is well known that strange love affairs come about as a result of politics. In this case, the couple is Robert Kagan and Barack Obama. Kagan is one of the most influential intellectuals of American conservatism, and not only because of what is surfacing in the primaries. Intellectual sophistication is not the Republicans’ specialty. Kagan’s texts have a profound and lasting impact on the way in which Americans see the world. In “Power and Weakness,” he coined one of the statements that made him famous: “Europeans are from Venus [the goddess of love], and Americans are from Mars [the god of war].” In “The Return of History and the End of Dreams,” he defied the idea that the post-Cold War order brought irreversible success for liberal democracy and market economy or, as Fukuyama called it, the “end of history.”
Kagan now offers a very interesting text, “Against the Myth of the American Decline,” a prelude to a new book, “The World that America Made.” In his article, Kagan dismantles point by point the thesis of the American decline. “Decline?” he asks. “Compared to when?” And, above all, “Compared to whom?”
Very effectively, Kagan takes us by the hand to the so-called world in which the U.S. is hegemonic, showing us that the idea that there existed a time when Washington could do what it wanted is a myth. From Sputnik to the Korean war, through the Cuban missile crisis and Vietnam, the U.S. suffered greatly, says Kagan, to impose its will.
According to Kagan, the idea that any time in the past was better is fallacious. The same is true of the rise of China. Of course China is booming, he says, but economic growth is one thing and becoming a superpower is another. China is not one, Kagan reminds us, and neither does it want to be one, he insists. And even if it wanted to be, it would have to face extraordinary difficulties (not the least of them would be that all its neighbors would unite against it). The decline is not a reality, it’s an option, Kagan concludes. If we believe in the decline, we will end up seeing it come to us.
Analysts say that Obama devoured the report, which he stressed profusely, commenting on it point by point to his advisers. He even cited it in his State of the Union address on Jan. 24 when he said, “Anyone who says that America is in decline or that our influence is declining does not know what they are talking about.”
No objection, of course, were it not that Kagan is advising Romney on foreign policy, which is very visible in the fact that the White Paper of the Romney campaign endorses Kagan’s thesis (the paper is probably even drafted by Kagan). In it, Romney accuses Obama of “thinking that America is in decline.”
It's either one of the two, or Kagan’s text is magnificent and has convinced the president and the leading presidential candidate (the dream of any analyst), or it is superfluous enough to convince two people that need to be convinced beforehand of the same thing. I’ll leave it to their election.
Que la política hace a extraños compañeros de cama es algo bien conocido. En este caso, la pareja son Robert Kagan y Barack Obama. Kagan es uno de los más influyentes intelectuales del conservadurismo americano, y no sólo porque como están demostrando las primarias, la sofisticación intelectual no se haya convertido en la especialidad de los republicanos. Los textos de Kagan tienen un impacto profundo y duradero sobre la manera que los estadounidenses tienen de ver el mundo: en Poder y Debilidad (2002) acuñó una de las afirmaciones que le hizo famoso: “los europeos son de Venus ( la diosa del amor), los americanos son de Marte (el dios de la guerra)". Y en “El retorno de la historia y el fin de los sueños” desafió la conceptualización del orden posterior a la guerra fría como un orden en el que (fin de la historia, Fukuyama dixit) la democracia liberal y la economía de mercado habrían triunfado irreversiblemente.
Kagan nos ofrece ahora un texto interesantísimo, “Contra el mito del declive americano” preludio de un nuevo libro, “El Mundo que América hizo”. En su artículo, Kagan desmonta punto por punto la tesis del declive americano. “¿Declive?”, se pregunta Kagan. “¿Comparado con cuándo?” y, sobre todo, “¿comparado con quién?”.
Muy eficazmente, Kagan nos lleva de la mano por el supuesto mundo en el que EEUU era hegemónico, para mostrarnos como un mito el hecho de que Washington alguna vez pudo hacer lo que quiso: desde el Sputnik hasta la guerra de Corea, pasando por la crisis de los misiles cubanos y Vietnam, EEUU sufrió y mucho, nos dice Kagan, para imponer su voluntad.
Según Kagan, la idea de que cualquier tiempo pasado fue mejor es falaz. Lo mismo puede decirse del auge de China. Claro que China está en auge, dice Kagan, pero una cosa es crecer económicamente y otra convertirse en una superpotencia. China no lo es, nos recuerda Kagan, tampoco quiere serlo, insiste, e incluso en el caso de que quisiera serlo, tendría que hacer frente a extraordinarias dificultades (una no menor la de que uniría a todos sus vecinos contra sí). El declive no es una realidad, es una opción, concluye Kagan. Si creemos en el declive, acabaremos viéndolo venir.
Dicen los analistas que Obama se devoró el ensayo, que lo subrayó profusamente y que lo comentó punto por punto por sus asesores. Incluso lo citó en su discurso sobre el estado de la Unión del 24 de enero cuando afirmó “cualquiera que diga que American está en declive o que nuestra influencia está en retroceso, no sabe de lo que está hablando”.
Nada que objetar, claro está, si no fuera porque Kagan está asesorando a Romney en materia de política exterior, algo muy visible en el hecho de que el Libro Blanco de la campaña de Romney haga suyas las tesis de Kagan (seguramente incluso estén redactadas por él) hasta el punto de que Romney acuse a Obama de “pensar que América está en declive”.
Una de dos, o el texto de Kagan es magnífico y ha convencido al Presidente y al principal candidato a Presidente (el sueño de cualquier analista), o es lo suficientemente superfluo para convencer a dos personas que necesitan de antemano convencerse de la misma cosa. Lo dejo a su elección.
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[T]he U.S. led postwar order is unravelling. In its place, a contest for influence and legitimacy is gathering pace, with China eager to fill the vacuum.