The Distribution of Power

Published in El País
(Spain) on 1 July 2012
by Lluís Bassets (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Soledad Gómez. Edited by Jonathan Douglas.
The U.S. Supreme Court's sentence that has given the green light to Obama’s health care reform is more than a political victory for the president, for the Democratic Party and for the 30 million citizens that did not have health insurance. There is practically no significant decision taken in the U.S. highest court that does not involve a fight over the vertical distribution of power between the federal states and the federal government — led by the president — and the horizontal distribution of power among the three branches of government; judicial, legislative and executive.

Among the claimants, there are 26 states of the Union, governed by Republicans, who have rebelled against what they consider to be a restriction of their legislative power and an unfair imposition that limits individual rights because it obliges citizens to subscribe to health insurance. Behind this opposition against a health care reform, branded as socialist and European by those who denigrate it, there is a political philosophy that vindicates a minimal federal state, which leaves social welfare policies in the hands of the federal states.

But the judges that have passed sentence have also discussed the limits of the judicial branch before the decisions of the executive and the laws passed by Congress. The chief justice, the conservative judge John Roberts (appointed by George W. Bush), was the one who tilted the court to a majority in a decision that has marked a very important moment in his judicial career and left a formidable jurisprudential mark with regard to the limits of action of the government. Essentially, Roberts has tried to prove the political nature of the health care reform, approved by legislative bodies through popular vote and the mere legal control of the judges, leaving no possibility of any amendments as hoped by the appellant conservatives.

Although it is not easy to anticipate the impact that this sentence will have on the current campaign — if it will paralyze the Republican opposition or, on the contrary, if it will activate the Democratic field — it is evident that it is overcoming its last and greatest obstacle to the application of a reform that is crucial for Obama’s presidential campaign program.

The key to this decision is the power that judges of the Supreme Court hold for life, which allows them to disregard any other consideration that is not strictly legal and whatever their conscience dictates, as Roberts unexpectedly did. The decision strengthens the institutional framework, especially the U.S. Supreme Court, after a period marked by the politicization of sentencing, political polarization between Democrats and Republicans, and their slide into ultraconservative positions.


La sentencia del Tribunal Supremo de Estados Unidos que ha dado luz verde a la reforma sanitaria de Obama es bastante más que una victoria política para el presidente y para el Partido Demócrata y una victoria social para los 30 millones de ciudadanos que no gozaban de cobertura sanitaria. No hay prácticamente ninguna decisión significativa de la más alta corte americana en la que no entre en juego la pelea por la distribución vertical de poderes entre los Estados federados y el Gobierno federal, con el presidente a la cabeza, y su distribución horizontal entre los tres poderes constitutivos de la democracia, el judicial, el legislativo y el ejecutivo.

Entre los demandantes se hallan 26 Estados de la Unión, gobernados por políticos republicanos, que se rebelaron contra lo que consideraron una restricción de su poder legislativo y una imposición abusiva que limitaba los derechos individuales, al obligar a suscribir a todos los ciudadanos un seguro de enfermedad. Detrás de esta oposición a una reforma sanitaria tachada de socialista y europea por quienes la denigran hay una filosofía política que reivindica un Estado federal mínimo, que deja al albur de los Estados federados las políticas sociales y asistenciales.

Pero los jueces que han dictado sentencia también han discutido sobre los márgenes de acción de la rama judicial ante las decisiones del ejecutivo y las leyes aprobadas en el Congreso. El presidente de la corte, el juez conservador John Roberts, nombrado por George W. Bush, ha sido quien ha decantado la mayoría, en una decisión que marca un momento trascendental en su trayectoria judicial y deja una formidable huella jurisprudencial respecto a los márgenes de acción del Gobierno. En esencia, Roberts ha querido reivindicar el carácter político de la reforma sanitaria, aprobada por los órganos surgidos de la soberanía popular, y la mera función de control de legalidad de los jueces, sin posibilidad de corregirla como pretendían los recurrentes conservadores.

Aunque no es fácil prever las repercusiones de la sentencia en la campaña electoral en curso, y si electrizará a la oposición republicana o, por el contrario, movilizará al campo demócrata, es evidente que levanta el último y mayor obstáculo para la aplicación de una reforma que ocupa un lugar central en el programa presidencial de Obama.

La clave para esta decisión es el mandato vitalicio de los jueces del Supremo, que les permite desatender cualquier consideración que no sea estrictamente su criterio jurídico personal y lo que dicta su conciencia, como ha hecho Roberts de forma inesperada. La decisión fortalece la arquitectura institucional estadounidense y especialmente a la corte suprema, después de una época marcada por la politización de sus sentencias, la polarización política entre demócratas y republicanos y su deslizamiento hacia posiciones ultraconservadoras
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